YICTOMandTMANIj
ANTHONY^TROLLOP;
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CHARLES LEVER'S WORKS.}
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istrations.
istrations.
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.kj castrations.
The collected Works of Charles Lever in a Uniform Series
must, like the Novels of Scott, Bulwer, Dickens, Thackeray, and
Anthony Trollope, find a place on the shelves of every well-selected
library. No modern productions of fiction have gained a greater
reputation for their writer : few authors equal him in the humour and
spirit of his delineations of character, and none surpass him for lively
descriptive power and never-flagging story.
London : CHAPMAN & HALL, 193, Piccadilly.
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104 Under the Spell
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106 Slaves of the Ring
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114 Theo Leigh Annie Thomas.
1 1 7 Flying Scud C. C. Clarke,
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119 Forlorn Hope Edmund Tates.
121 Ned Locksley, the Etonian
122 Miss Mackenzie
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123 Carry's Confession
Author of "Mat tie: a Stray."
125 Belton Estate Anthony Trollofe.
126 Land at Last Edmund Tates.
128 Crumbs from a Sportsman's
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129 Bella Donna Percy Fitzgerald.
131 Christie's Faith
Author of "Mat tie: a Stray."
132 Polly Percy Fitzgerald.
133 Seventy Five Brooke Street
Percy Fitzgerald.
134 Called to Account
Annie Thomas.
135 A Golden Heart Ton. Hood.
136 Second Mrs. Tillotson
Percy Fitzgerald.
137 Never Forgotten
Percy Fitzgerald.
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138 Clyffardsof Clyffe
F. W. Robinson.
139 Which is the Winner?
Charles Clarke.
140 Archie Lovell
Mrs. Edivardes.
141 Lizzie Lorton Mrs. Linton.
142 Milly's Hero F TV. Robinson.
143 Leo Dutton Cook.
144 Uncle Silas J. S. Lefanu.
145 Bar Sinister C. A. Collins.
151 Family Scapegrace
James Payn.
153 Fair Carew ; or, Husbands and
Wives.
156 Pique A. Beaufort.
157 Lord Falconberg's Heir
C. C. Clarke.
159 Secret Dispatch James Grant.
1 60 Guy Deverell
Author of " Uncle Silas."
161 Carr of Carriyon
Hamilton Aide'.
162 All in the Dark
J. S. Lefanu.
165 Mansfield Park Jane Austen.
166 Northanger Abbey
Jane Austen.
168 Beauclercs, Father and Son
C. C. Clarke.
169 House by the Churchyard
J. S. Lefanu.
170 Owen : a Waif
Author of " Mattie : a Stray."
171 Two Marriages
Author of "John Halifax."
172 Found Dead Author of
'■'Lost Sir Massingbcrd."
173 O. V H. ; or, How Mr. Blake
became an M. F. H.
Wat. Bradwod.
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180 A House of Cards
/lfi-j. Cartel Hoey.
183 Tuggs'sat Ramsgate, and other
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184 Chips from an Old Block
Charles Clarke.
190 A London Romance
Charles Ross.
191 A County Family
Author of" Found Dead."
192 An Editor's Tales : Mary
Gre.ley Anthony Trollope.
193 Rent in a Cloud and St.
Patrick's Eve Charles Lever.
194 Gwendoline's Harvest
Author of " Found Dead:'
195 Geoffry Hamlvn
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196 Ravenshoe Henry K'mgsley
Henry Kingslcy.
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197 Hillyars and Burtons
Henry K'mgsley.
198 Silcote of Silcotes
Henry Kingsley.
199 Leighton Court
Henry K'mgsley.
200 Austin Elliot Henry K'mgsley.
201 Like Father, Like Son
Author of " Gwendoline' s Harvest:'
204 Semi-Attached Couple
Lady Eden.
205 Semi-Detached House
Lady Eden.
206 Woman's Devotion
Author of " Margaret and
Her Bridesmaids. "
2CJ Box for the Season I
Author of "Charlie ThorrML" \
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208 Buried in the Deep
Mrs. Cashcllhcy.
209 Fashionable Life
Mrs. Trolh J e.
215 Madeleine Julia Kav.magh.
224 Two Hundred Pounds Reward
Author of "Lost Sir Massingbcrd."
226 Not Wooed, but Won
Author of "Lost Sir Ma'.s'tngbcrJ."
227 That Boy of Noicott's
Charles Levr.
229 Cornelius O'Dowd
Charles Lever.
230 Bernard Marsh
G. P- R. James.
232 Morley Court
Author of " Uncle Silas."
234 A Passion in Tatters
Annie Thomas.
235 The Old Maid's Secret
E. Mar/eft.
236 Ensemble Author of "O.^.H."
237 Woman's Vengeance
Author of "Married Beneath Him:''
238 CeciFs Tryst
Author of "Lost Sir Massingbcrd:'
239 Hawksview Ilclme Lee.
240 Gilbert Massengcr llo/tin Lee.
241 Thorney Hall Holme Lee.
242 La Vendee Anthony Trollope.
244 Lady Anna Anthony Trollope.
245 St. Aubyns of St. Aubyn
Author of " Charley Nu .•«/.''
266 Two Widows Annie Th'.mas.
26S '"He Cometh N..r,' She S.iiJ"
Annie l'l',n:as.
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lS ChailesO'Mallev Charles Lever.
20 The Daltons Charles Lever.
23 Knight of Gwynne
Charles Lever.
25 Dodd Family Abroad
Charles Lever.
28 Tom Burke Charles Lever.
30 Davenport Dunn Charles Lever.
33 Roland Cashel Charles Lever.
42 Martins of Cro' Martin
Charles Lever.
48 Sir Jasper Carew Charles Lever.
54 Maurice Tiernay Charles Lever.
85 Doctor Thorne Anthony Trollope.
87 Lindisfarn Chase
T. A. Trollope.
100 The Bertrams AnthonyTrollope.
116 Orley Farm Anthony Trollope.
120 Can you Forgive Her?
Anthony Trollope.
186 Phineas Finn
Anthony Trollope.
187 He Knew He Was Right
Anthony Trollope.
203 Ralph the He\rAnthonyTrol/ope.
211 Sir Brook Fossbrooke
Charles Lever.
2 1 3 Bramleighs Charles Lever.
225 Tony Butler Charles Lever.
228 Lord Kilgobbin Charles Lever.
231 Charley Nugent
Author of "St. AubynsofSt.Auhyn."
243 Eustace Diamonds
Anthony Trollope.
267 Phineas Redux
Anthony Trollope.
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Author of " C«/-r o/" Carrlyon"
247 Counterparts
Author of " Charles Auchester."
248 Ciueles"t Wrong of All
Author of " Margaret."
249 Lost and Won
Georg'tana M. Craik.
250 My First Season
Author of " Counterparts."
251 Nuts and Nutcrackers
Charles Lever,
252 A Simple Woman
Author of " Nut Brown Maids."
253 Skirmishing
/fc^-- 0/"" CWm &<•//«."
254 Who Breaks Pays
Author of" Skirmishing.'"
255 Nanette and Her Lovers
Talbot Gwynne.
VOL.
256 Florence Templar
Mrs. F. tndal.
257 Adrian L'Estrange ; or,
Moulded Out of Faults.
258 Winifred's Wooing
Georgiana M. Craik.
259 Grey's Court
Edited by Lady Chatterton,
260 Over the Cliffs Mrs. Chanter.
261 On the Line
Bracebridge Hemyng.
262 Tales of the Trains
Charles Lever,
263 Race for a Wife
Hawley Smart.
264 Paul Goslett's Confessions
Charles Lever.
265 An Ocean Waif G. M. Fenn.
London : CHAPMAN AND HALL, 193 Piccadilly.
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VICTORIA AND TASMANIA.
VICTORIA AND
TASMANIA.
BY
ANTHONY TROLLOPE,
AUTHOR OF
"SOUTH AUSTRALIA AND WESTERN AUSTRALIA,"
" NEW SOUTH WALES AND QUEENSLAND,"
" NEW ZEALAND."
NEW EDITION.
LONDON :
CHAPMAN AND HALL, 193, PICCADILLY.
1875.
CONTENTS.
VICTORIA.
CHAP.
I. SEPARATION .
II. EARLY HISTORY OF PORT PHILLIP
III. MELBOURNE . ...
IV. BALLAARAT
V. BENDIGO OR SANDHURST
VI. GIPPSLAND, WALHALLA, AND WOODS POINT
VII. LAND
VIII. LADIES AND GENTLEMEN
IX. NEWSPAPERS, BOOKS, RAILWAYS, ROADS, TOWNS;
WINES
X. LEGISLATURE, GOVERNMENT, AND COMMERCE
AND
PAGE
3
12
29
43
52
62
73
89
105
116
TASMANIA.
I. EARLY HISTORY . . . . 12 7
II. PORT ARTHUR 142
III. HER PRESENT CONDITION 1 54
IV. FUTURE PROSPECTS .... 169
APPENDIX l8l
INDEX o 194
VICTORIA.
VICTORIA.
CHAPTER I.
SEPARATION.
I propose in this chapter to say a few words as to the
treatment which the Australian colonies generally have
received and are receiving from the mother country. In
the next I will endeavour to trace very shortly the early
history of the most populous and most important in the
group, and in doing so 1 will take my facts from a pamphlet
lately published by Mr. G. W Rusden, of Melbourne ; — ■
than whom I have found no one better informed on the
affairs of Australia generally, and whose information, con-
veyed in a small compass, is the latest that has been given
to us, — bearing date September, 1871.
It may perhaps be right that I should state that Mr.
Rusden's pamphlet is dedicated to myself, lest they who
are disposed to think that I am here repaying one compli-
ment by another may claim to have "found me out" should
they ever happen to have the two books in their hands at
the same time. I find it also convenient to allude to the
circumstance, in order that I may take this occasion of
expressing an opinion as to the future destiny of our
Australian colonies, which is specially evoked by a certain
passage in Mr. Rusden's dedication. He, a colonist, seems
to regard the colonies as an element in England's future
glory, — to look upon Victoria, for instance, as one of the
gems by which that glory is to be maintained and consum-
4 VICTORIA.
mated. I, on the other hand, who am an Englishman, look
upon the colonies as an element, and a very material
element, in the future happiness of Englishmen, — or of men
and women of English origin, — thinking that England's
glory should be left altogether out of the question in any
consideration of the matter. Mr. Rusden speaks of the
revolt of the American colonies having been brought about
by the " wicked folly of Grenville and North," as though
the effects of that revolt were still to be deplored, and
implies that any act tending to the separation of the Austra-
lian colonies from the mother country would be tainted
with the same folly and partake of the same wickedness.
It is most remarkable that this should be the aspect in
which the future of these Australian colonies is regarded by
all the best minds among the colonists. One hardly meets
with an exception among educated men of British origin.
The few of this class who entertain feelings and opinions of
an opposite tendency are generally Irishmen, whose immi-
gration has been of a comparatively late date.
I hope that I am not myself dead to England's glory. I
am indeed well aware that my own feeling on the matter —
my own belief in my own country's pre-excellence — is so
near to self-praise, that it should be checked rather than
enforced. But I cannot believe that the homes of millions
of human beings around the world are to be made subject
to any special form of government, or that their mode of
living is to be regulated in any special fashion, because such
may be the form of government and such the fashion of
living adopted by the country from which those millions
have sprung, and whose language those millions speak.
This form of government and this fashion of living may be
the best the world has yet known. I, with my English
idiosyncrasies, do believe that they are so. I believe further,
— that we at home, with the honest, high-spirited, high-
handed, blundering philanthropy which is peculiar to us,
have, in spite of all the abuse which we have lavished upon
ourselves in the matter, done nearly the best that we could
have done with these colonies. But not on that account
can I bring myself to look forward to their being kept as
b^
SEPARATION. 5
" in England's " diadem." As long as the national
prosperity of the colonies can be advanced by their de-
pendence on England, that dependence England is bound,
both morally and politically, to maintain. When the time
shall come in which the colonies can serve themselves
bettet by separation than by prolonged adherence, England,
I think, should let them go. The difficulty will consist in
fixing the time ; — but this question of time is one which
must be solved mainly by the colonies themselves. It will
be for them to declare, as it was for the United States,
when that time shall have come. It will be for us to take
care that, when the time does come, the work of separation
may be effected, not only without hostility, but without
acerbating roughness.
" Here is a continent secured," says Mr. Rusden, " as
never was continent secured by the genius of one man, for
his countrymen to occupy." The one man is Mr. Pitt, to
whose policy and firmness in opposing the attempts which
were being made at the same time and with the same object
by the French government Mr. Rusden attributes the final
acquisition by England of Australia. " On the soil of Victoria
there stand between seven and eight hundred thousand
persons where twenty years ago there stood some seventy
thousand. Thus fresh from their native land, are they not
bone of their bone and flesh of their flesh to all living
Englishmen as fully as if they still stood on English soil ?
Must it not be the shabbiest of statesmanship either in
England or in the colony which would fret away the ties
that bind the one to the other ? "
Of course it is matter of pride to us Englishmen that
there should be so many of our people in Victoria, — and
matter of higher pride that there should be some forty
millions speaking our language, and living almost entirely
by our laws, and in accordance with our fashions, on the
continent of North America. We may probably take the
language spoken as the truest indicatii n of the influence of
nationality and the justest source of i:a:ional pride. From
our little island we have sent forth a people speaking
English who are spreading themselves over all the world.
6 VICTORIA.
It is a much greater boast than that of ruling dependencies
on which the sun never sets. Though none of the English-
speaking nations on the farther side of the globe should any-
longer acknowledge themselves to be dependent on Eng-
land, it would matter nothing to the happiness of the race,
and nothing to the true glory of the nationality, — so long as
the numbers increased, and the material prosperity of those
numbers. We are very proud of Victoria, — very proud of
having colonised a country rich in gold and rich in flocks,
and fitted by nature not only to support but to maintain
and to increase the energy which is the gift of our race.
We hope that the seven or eight hundred thousand may, as
years run on, be quickly raised to millions. That they
should have increased so rapidly, and been so prosperous in
their increase, is to all of us a matter of self-congratulation.
Though individually we at home may be less conversant
than we ought with the details of Australian affairs, we keep a
sufficiently accurate record in our minds of her rising condi-
tion among the communities of the world. We know that
the Australians are bone of our bone and flesh of our flesh, as
fully as though they still stood on English soil. And we know
the same of the Americans of the United States, — in spite
of the "Alabama" and indirect claims ; in spite of rows
about the "Trent ;" in spite of existing political differences ;
in spite of hostilities, should there be hostilities j and in
spite even of war, should there be war. The grandchildren
of our grandfathers are living there in prosperity and
freedom, worshipping the God whom we worship, speaking
the language which we speak, obeying the laws which we
obey, and animated by that resolve to rule themselves, and
to be free from the rule of individuals, which they took
from our shores, and which is as strong with us as it is with
them.
I deny, therefore, altogether the shabbiness of the states-
manship, whether in England or in the colonies, which
would, — not fret away,- — but gradually dissolve the ties
which bind the one to the other. Such statesmanship, —
when it exists, for as yet I am not aware that it has existed,
— may be wrong, may be premature, may be one-sided, may
SEPARATION. ■/
indeed possibly be shabby. Of what matter open to states-
manship may not the same be said ? But to declare that
the statesmanship must be shabby that shall have the object
of allowing the colonies to start themselves as a separate
people at some future time, is to pronounce an opinion, —
that indeed may be excused by the warm love of country
which it indicates, — but which can never stand an argu-
ment.
I am not aware that any British statesman has as yet
entertained the idea of dividing the mother country from
her Australian colonies, — has ever thought that the time has
now come in which he himself might go to work and
arrange the terms of separation. But I imagine that no
British statesman ever employs himself in the affairs of
these colonies without a conviction that, in all that he does,
he should have before his eyes the fact that separation will
come at some future day. It is impossible that any states-
man, or any speculator, that any philosopher should foresee
the time. It must depend on the increasing wealth and
the increasing population of the country. Any invention
— if such invention be within the bounds of natural possi-
bility— which should save the wheat crops of the South
Australian colonies from the disease called Red Rust,
would greatly accelerate separation, because it would at
once increase the population and the wealth of the colonies.
Iron has been found, but iron mines have never yet been
properly worked. If this could be done to any great extent,
it would accelerate separation. Increased supplies of copper
and gold will do so ;— the finding of tin will do so ; — success
in making sugar will do so ; — and the exportation of fresh
uncooked meat to Europe, when such exportation becomes
practicable, will do so very materially. Does anybody
believe that a population of twenty millions in Australia
would remain subject to a population of forty millions in
the British Isles? And the former numbers maybe reached
as quickly as the latter.
There is very much to be done before the question of
separation can be regarded as one that is imminent, or fit
for the immediate manipulations of statesmanship. Aus-
8 VICTORIA.
tralia must be one whole before she can settle herself and
take a place among the nations. There must be some
federation of the different colonies before separation can be
considered. The states must bind themselves together with
the united object of making themselves a nation, and the
men who now pride themselves on being Victorians, or
South Australians, or Queenslanders, must learn to pride
themselves on being Australians. At present they are very
far from entertaining any such pride. The inhabitant of
Melbourne thinks himself to be very much higher than the
inhabitant of Sydney, and looks down from a great eminence
upon the Tasmanian. In New South Wales there is a
desire to maintain the distance between itself and Victoria,
■ — as though a gulf between the two, which could not be
passed, would be for its good. Queensland, the youngest
daughter of New South Wales, has but little respect for her
parent. South Australia thinks herself better than her
neighbours because she has never received a convict.
There is, no doubt, something of similar jealousy between
different groups of states in the American Union ; — but
there they have learned the strength of union and have pre-
served it. As Australia becomes older, and as the number
of her leading children who are Australian-born becomes
greater, as the tendency to lean upon the mother country
becomes slighter, the feeling for the newer patriotism will
grow up ; and with the feeling of Australian pride will grow
the conviction that Australia, to be great and strong, should
be one.
The first step towards federation will be the union of the
colonies for purposes of general taxation. At present the
two great sources of public revenue are the customs duties
and the sale and lease of public lands. Let the union be as
close as it may, the use of the public lands will probably
remain in each colony, — to be applied as may best suit its
own wants, — but the customs duties, from which by far the
greater proportion of the public revenue is derived, may, and
no doubt will, be collected under one tariff, by one arrange-
ment, for the joint purposes of the whole group. At present
these colonies all stand towards each odier as though they
SEPARATION. 9
were various nations, with varied interests, and endea-
vour each to rise on the commercial injuries inflicted
on the others by hostile tariffs. They charge duties on
each other's produce, and are towards each other as
were England and France before Mr. Cobden had made
his treaty. I do not purpose here to fight the battle of
the border duties, — but here, and again hereafter, I must
repeat the opinion, expressed by me in speaking of the other
colonies, that at the present moment the creation of a cus-
toms union should be the first duty of any statesman to
whom the interests and well-being of the colonies may be
entrusted.
I look first to a customs union, then to federation, and
then after some interval, — the duration of which I will not
attempt to indicate, — to Separation and Self-control. In this
idea as to the future of the colonies I cannot think that I am
guilty of any shabbiness as an Englishman. And yet the
expression of the accusation in Australia is by no means
confined to the gentlerr.au whose words I have quoted. Had
it been so, — had I not found it general among those whom
I describe as possessing the best minds in the colonies, — I
should probably have contented myself in endeavouring to
defend myself from the charge with the eager arguments to
which private intercourse is open. But I have heard on all
sides accusations of the littleness of EngLad, — and worse
than littleness, of the weakness and infanticide of which
England is guilty, in her desire to repudiate and put away
from her her own children. I have heard it in details and
in generals. England will not pay for this statue, or sub-
scribe for that building ; she will not give cannons and
cannon-balls gratis ; she has not left the vestige of a com-
pany of soldiers in any one of the colonies ; she charges a
price for whatever she supplies, and does not always supply
the best articles ; when asked for selected emigrants she
selects the dregs of the workhouses. There are these and a
hundred other details which show the heart of a stepmother
rather than of a parent. But the great general accusation is
stronger still. Her statesmen — or at least some of the chief
among them — have declared their opinion that the links
io VICTORIA.
should be broken which bind Australia to the mother country.
In regard to the details the answer is easy enough. The
daughter has had her dowry given to her, — and should now
pay her own way, and is able to do so. It often seems to
be forgotten, in the colonies, that British statesmen cannot
give away English property out of their own munificence.
The colonies have agreed, with willingness, to certain terms,
which certainly for them have not been unprofitable, and
should not now ask for further small gifts. When our boys
and girls are young we expect them to assail us for half-
crowns, and rather like putting our hands in our pockets,
even when we affect to rebuke the frequency of the solicita-
tion ; but when our girls are married and have had their
fortunes, or when our sons have been set up in business by
considerable self-sacrifice on the part of us their fathers,
we do not like then to be told that we ought to pay for
new carpets or cases of champagne. As to that general ac-
cusation, I think it is founded not on any words spoken
or acts done tending to immediate Separation, but on
words and acts preparatory to Separation when it shall
come.
The mistake I think is in this, — that the colonists allow
themselves to believe that the mother country is repudiating
them because the statesmen want to save themselves trouble,
and because her people desire to avoid expense ; — whereas at
home we feel, not a wish to repudiate the colonies, but a con-
viction that after awhile they will repudiate us, and that we are
bound by our duty to them and to ourselves to be ready for the
time when that repudiation shall come. We are called upon
to rule them, — as far as we do rule them, — not for our glory,
but for their happiness. If we keep them, we should keep
them, — not because they add prestige to the name of Great
Britain, not because they are gems in our diadem, not in order
that we may boast that the sun never sets on ourdependen-
cies, but because by keeping them we may best assist them in
developing their own resources. And when we part with
them, as part with them we shall, let us do so with neither
smothered jealousy nor open hostility, but with a proud feel-
ing that we are sending a son out into the world able to take
SEPARATION. 11
his place among men. That is the halcyon view which I
entertain of the closing days of the connection between Eng-
land and Australia ; and I think that it is one which is
tainted with no shabbiness, and which should make me sub-
ject to no reproof from any colonist.
CHAPTER II.
EARLY HISTORY OF PORT PHILLIP.
"The Discovery, Survey, and Settlement of Port Phillip," is
the name of the pamphlet to which I have alluded, and to
which I shall mainly trust for the facts to be stated in this
chapter. In the lines which I shall quote between inverted
commas in the early part of this chapter, the reader will
understand that I am quoting the words of the author, Mr.
Rusden.
In the year 1802, fourteen years after the first actual
occupation by the English of New South Wales, the inland
sea which we now know as Port Phillip was first discovered
by Lieutenant Murray, who had come out from England
under Captain Grant in "The Nelson" with the special
object of prosecuting Australian discoveries. The name was
given by Captain King, the then governor of New South
Wales, in honour of Colonel Phillip, the first governor.
Captain Flinders, who, in regard to this period of Australian
discovery, is Mr. Rusden's great hero, followed Lieutenant
Murray after an interval of ten weeks. The French, in their
exploration of the southern coast of New Holland, conducted
by Captain Baudin, had sailed past the narrow entrance of
Port Phillip without noticing it, and had called the whole
region in those parts Terre Napoleon. Indeed they after-
wards gave an appellation of their own to the harbour, but
did not subsequently attempt to establish it. Captain Flin-
ders, whose name is now perhaps better known from the
street in Melbourne which bears it than from the deeds
which he did and the sufferings which he bore in these dis-
EARLY HISTORY OF PORT PHILLIP. 13
coveries, is the first who has left ns any record of his having
landed on the country which we now call Victoria. " At
day dawn," — -says Captain Flinders, as reported by Mr.
Rusden, — " I set off with three of the boat's crew for the
highest part of the back hills, called Station Peak. Our way
was over a low plain where the water appeared frequently to
lodge ; it was covered with small-bladed grass, but almost
destitute of wood, and the soil was clayey and shallow. I left
the ship's name on a scroll of paper deposited on a small
pile of stones upon the top of the peak; and at three in
the afternoon, — 1st May (1802), — reached the tent much
fatigued, having walked more than twenty miles without
finding a drop of water. No runs of fresh water were seen
in my excursion ; but Mr. Charles Grimes, surveyor-general
of New South Wales, afterwards found several, and in par-
ticular a small river falling into the northern head of the
port." This small river was the Yarra Yarra, on which the
city of Melbourne is now built, — and such was, in truth, the
first discovery of Victoria.
In 1803 Colonel Collins landed at Port Phillip to form a
penal settlement, intended as a supplemental offshoot to that
then fully established at Port Jackson, — which the world
used to call Botany Bay, — on the eastern shore of the con-
tinent ; but he seems to have chosen his site badly, and to
have kept his men close down upon the sea-shore where there
was no fresh water. This attempt at a settlement was made
at Point Nepean, the eastern headland at the mouth of Port
Phillip, and was soon abandoned. The depot was removed
thence to the mouth of the Derwent, on the opposite island,
and was the commencement of the great penal depot which
afterwards flourished in Van Diemen's Land, — if an establish-
ment for the custody of convicts may under any circum-
stances be said to flourish. From the settlement at Point
Nepean some of the convicts escaped, and one of them was
neither retaken, nor did he return, nor did he perish. This
man, named Buckley, lived thirty-two years among the blacks,
forgot his own language, and became as one of them. In 1835
he reappeared, and was found by a party of white men
who then landed at Port Phillip from Van Diemen's Land.
14 VICTORIA.
" No effort was made to colonise Port Phillip for many
years after 1803." But during all those years explorations
from Sydney as a centre were being made into the continent.
"In 181 7 Oxley, the surveyor-general of New South Wales,
had traced the Lachlan River nearly to its junction with the
Murrumbidgee, and had therefore nearly approached the
present boundary of Victoria, being within 240 miles of the
site of Melbourne." In 1824 an expedition was formed
under the auspices of Sir Thomas Brisbane, the governor,
the object of which was to penetrate through from the known
parts of New South Wales, across the rivers and over the
mountains, to the southern coast. This expedition was
entrusted to Mr. Hamilton Hume, who was joined by Mr.
Hovell, two men whose names are well known among
those of Australian discoverers. Both these gentlemen were
still alive when I was in the colony, and I will not take
upon myself to give to either of them the greater credit in
the matter, but will content myself with stating that Mr.
Rusden is a strong advocate of Mr. Hume's claims. The
great Australian river which we know as the Murray was
crossed, and was called the Hume, which name it still bears
in its upper waters. After many sufferings and great
dangers, Hume and Hovell reached Port Phillip overland.
It will be understood that hitherto this district had only been
touched from the sea-board, and that the very scanty know-
ledge possessed by Hume and Hovell as to Port Phillip and
Western Port was simply that which had resulted from the
maritime discoveries of Murray and Flinders. At any rate
they had reached the southern coast of that " Terre
Napoleon," of which as yet no real possession had been
taken on behalf of the British government. Another expe-
dition was then made by sea to Western Port, under
Governor Darling's instructions, apparently with the double
object of opening a subsidiary convict establishment, and of
confirming the claim made by Great Britain to the possession
of the country. This was commanded by Captain Wright,
accompanied by Mr. Hovell, — and was made in 1826, — at
which time also another convict offshoot of the centre esta-
blishment at Port Jackson was sent under Major Lockyer
EARLY HISTORY OF PORT PHILLIP. 15
to King George's Sound, — the southern part of that colony
which we now call Western Australia. This seems also to
have been made with the double object of disposing of
convicts, and taking possession of the land as against French
claims. Major Lockyer had some success, but Captain
Wright had none. " The fears of French colonisation
evaporated, and Western Port was abandoned, its shores
being described as ' scrubby.' "
"At this period," says Mr. Rusden, "John Batman must
be introduced upon the scene. Now Mr. John Batman is a
very interesting person, and was certainly the first coloniser
of the ground on which Melbourne stands. On the nth of
January, 1827, he, conjointly with another energetic settler,
addressed the following letter to Governor Darling, from
Launceston, in Van Diemen's Land, to which place he had
betaken himself from Paramatta, near Sydney, where he was
born : —
" Sir, — Understanding that it is your Excellency's intention to
establish a permanent settlement at Western Port, and to afford
encouragement to respectable persons to settle there, we beg leave
most respectfully to solicit at the hands of your Excellency a grant of
land at that place proportionable to the property which we intend to
embark. We are in possession of some flocks of sheep highly im-
proved, some of the Meiino breed, and some of the pure South Devon ;
of some pure South Devon cattle imported from England ; and also of
a fine breed of horses. We propose to ship from this place 1,500 to
2,000 sheep ; 30 head of superior cows, oxen, horses, &c, &c, to the
value of from £$, 000 to ^"5,000, the whole to be under the personal
direction of Mr. Batman, who is a native of New South Wales, who
will constantly reside there for the protection of the establishment.
Under these circumstances, we are induced to hope your Excellency
will be pleased to grant us a tract of land proportionable to the sum of
money we propose to expend, and also to afford us every encourage-
ment in carrying the pioposed object into effect.
"T. J. Gellibrand.
"John Batman."
This letter is a clear indication of the manner in which it
was then presumed that grants of land in the Australian
colonies would be made to those who brought with them the
means of occupying the land, and that the grants should be
made in some proportion to the capital invested. On this
i6 VICTORIA.
application Governor Darling wrote the following curt
memorandum, and we may presume that the answer was in
accordance with it :—
"Acknowledge; and inform Ihem that no determination having
been come to with respect to the settlement of Western Port, it is not
in my power to comply with their request. March 17 (1827.) R. D."
Mr. Batman was rebuffed, and for a time silenced, but
his idea of embarking all his fortunes for Port Phillip was
never abandoned. Mr. Rusden goes on to describe how
South Australia was founded in 1834, owing its birth to the
enterprise of Captain Sturt. Of South Australia I shall
speak elsewhere. But it may be -veil to notice here that
although the discovery of Port Phillip was very much ante-
cedent to that of the land on which Adelaide now stands,
though Victoria had been crossed from north to south before
any attempt at exploration had been made in the sister
colony farther west, South Australia was an established
province, with a company to regulate her proceedings, with
a governor and recognised officers of her own, when the
first real attempt was being made by any man to earn his
bread or to push his fortunes in Victoria. Mr. Batman had
meditated the attempt in 1827, but, as we have seen, had
been rebuffed. In 1834, however, Mr. Henty, also a settler
in the neighbourhood of Launceston, on the opposite island,
determined to make a venture, and this he did, — no doubt
having heard of John Batman's failure, — without any refer-
ence to the government. " Mr. Henty," says Rusden,
" shipped off building materials, agricultural implements,
and live stock. On 19th of November, 1834, having lost
fifteen head of stock on the voyage, the adventurers reached
Portland Bay, and on the 6th of December ploughing was
commenced ; and thus the first unbroken colonisation of
Victorian soil dates from the enterprise of Mr, Henty. In
a very short time his few head of stock increased to some
7,000 sheep, and 247 cattle, and 25 horses, and continued
intercourse was kept up with Launceston." As it happened,
Mr. Henty had made good his footing, guided, as we must
suppose, only by chance on the happiest point on all the
EARLY II [STORY OF fORT PHILLIP. 17
southern shore. Portland, and Warnambool, to the east of
Portland, are the harbours of that western district of Aus-
tralia, which was once called Australia Felix, and which is
in many respects the fairest region of the whole continent.
There Mr. Plenty lived and prospered, — and there he still
lives and, as I believe, still prospers; but no great town
sprang up on the site which he had chosen, and therefore
his name has not become conspicuous, as perhaps it ought
to have done, among the founders of his country.
We will now return to Mr. Batman, who did become con-
spicuous. His mind was still full of that opposite shore,
respecting which he had, with a wide ambition but humble
language, made his unavailing petition to the Governor of
New South Wales. " Provoked beyond endurance, Batman
would no longer be debarred from the downs of Iramoo, so
temptingly described by Plume and mapped by Sturt, He
determined to carve out his own way. South Australia was
being occupied, and the occupation was called laudable in
the preamble of an Act of Parliament. Henty had gone to
Portland Bay, and no man had stayed him. Batman would
go to Port Phillip ; and as the New South Wales governor
had not recognised his right to go there, Batman would
make a convention with the rightful and natural ' lords of
the soil' "
Batman did go over, and did make a convention with the
natives. He landed on Indented Head, on the western
side of the harbour, and tracked out a large district of
country, including the site on which the town of Geelong
now stands, including the Iramoo Downs and the country
called Dutigalla by the natives ; and on a spot a mile or two
north of the present city of Melbourne, he made a treaty
with them, by which he pledged himself to protect them
and to pay them some annual tribute, and by which they
undertook to surrender to him the country which he pro-
posed thus to purchase. Batman had with him the chart
of the country, as drawn by Captain Flinders, and published
by the subsequent explorer, Captain Sturt, and did not
himself profess, as Mr. Rusden points out, to discover, but
simply to occupy the country. But he prepared, or had
c
1 8 VICTORIA.
prepared for him, a chart of his proposed purchase, which
he sent to the Governor of Van Diemen's Land, from whom
he first endeavoured to obtain government sanction for
what he had done. " The limits of the land purchased by
me," he said, " are defined in the chart, which I have the
honour of transmitting, taken from personal inquiry." In
this chart, of which Mr. Rusden has published a copy, the
land — not on which Melbourne proper now stands, but
which is occupied by Emerald Hill, Sandridge, and other
suburbs of the city — is marked as " reserved for the town-
ship, and other public purposes." The site of the city itself
is a part of the tract intended to be used by Batman for
pastoral purposes.
The treaty is a marvellous document, — as being intended
to make good a purchase of land from the aboriginal
savages, in a country as to which Batman had already shown,
by his petition to the Governor of New South Wales, that
he was well aware that the British Crown claimed the
ownership of it. He must have known that it could not
have been operative either on his side or that of the abori-
gines. It seems that he landed with the treaty in his
pocket, — with the places for the names and distances left
blank, to be filled by him. When so completed it stipulated
that we, " Jaga Jaga, and others," — the black chiefs of the
tribes, — " do, for ourselves, our heirs and successors, give,
grant, enfeoff, and confirm unto the said John Batman, his
heirs and assigns, all that tract of country situate and being
in Port Phillip, running from the branch of the river at the
top of the Port, about seven miles from the mouth of the
river, forty miles N.E., and from thence west forty miles
across Iramoo Downs, and from thence S.S.W- across
Vilumanata to Geelong harbour at the head of the same,
and containing about 500,000 acres, more or less." So that
Mr. Batman was determined to obtain a goodly estate, if
in this way it might be obtained. It would probably be
difficult to ascertain how many millions of pounds the land
so defined is now worth. This treaty was made in June,
1835. Batman probably never thought that he' should be
allowed to take possession of the land, but did think, and
EARLY HISTORY OF PORT PHILLIP. ly
with just ground, that he would not be expelled from it
without compensation, and that by his occupation of it he
would obtain some recognised position. By asking much
he would get something, especially when he adopted a mode
of asking so much more likely to obtain serious attention
than that which he adopted when he wrote to Governor
Darling. Batman, having so far carried out his scheme,
returned to Van Diemen's Land, and applied to the governor
there for his sanction, sending a chart of his new estate.
But the Governor of Van Diemen's Land had no sanction
to give. Port Phillip was not within his jurisdiction, but
was within the jurisdiction of the Governor-General of
New South Wales. And the Governor of Van Diemen's
Land also remarked, that the recognition of Batman's treaty
" would appear to me a departure from the principle upon
which a parliamentary sanction, without reference to the
aborigines, has been given to the settlement of South
Australia, as part of the possessions of the Crown." There
could be no doubt about it. The British Crown had
decided that it owned all Australia, that consequently the
aborigines had nothing to sell, and that, consequently again,
Mr. Batman could purchase nothing from them. Had Mr.
Batman's claim to purchase from the blacks been allowed,
very many such purchases would have been made, — and
some of the purchasers would have been even less scrupulous
in their dimensions than was Mr. Batman. But Mr. Batman
did not stop here. He also applied to the authorities at
home, and expressed a hope that the Crown would " relin-
quish any legal point of constructive right to the land in
question." But the Crown, or rather Lord Glenelg, who
was then Secretary of State for Colonial Affairs, informed
him " that the territory was part of the colony of New
South Wales, and that no title to lands could be acquired
there, except upon the terms presented in Sir R. Bourke's
commission and instruction from the Queen." At this time
Sir R. Bourke was Governor of New South Wales, and was
also Governor-in-Chief over the Governor of Tasmania.
Mr. Batman, though he was the moving spirit in the whole
matter, was only one of an association in regard to the
20 VICTORIA.
capital invested. This association at last wound itself up by
selling whatever interests it had to two of its own members ;
and the government allowed to these two gentlemen a sum
of ,£7,000, in liquidation of so much money expended on a
legal purchase of lands ; and this was done, as is expressed,
in consideration " of expenses incurred by them in the first
formation of the settlement."
I cannot complete this short record of Mr. Batman's
adventures without alluding to Mr. Fawkner, on whose
behalf many have claimed the honour of having founded
Melbourne ; — and who, I believe, was declared to claim it
for himself. Mr. Batman had been busy with Jaga Jaga,
the native chief, in June, 1835. In October, 1835, Mr.
Fawkner landed at Port Phillip,- — also from Van Diemen's
Land, whence came all the early settlers of Victoria, so that
the leading Australian colony may be said to be an offshoot
from that island, rather than from New South AVales ; — but
the party with which he was connected seem to have made
their way across in July. They encountered some of Bat-
man's followers, and, after trying various places for a settle-
ment, made their way up Port Phillip, and at last pitched
on the present site of Melbourne, and seem to have settled
there, not quite in unity with the Batman party, but without
direct hostility. Their feuds, such as they were, will hardly
interest the reader ; — but it is interesting to learn that the
situation of the city, and consequently the origin of the
colony, was due to the enterprise of these two men, Batman
and Fawkner, and of the associations with which their names
are connected. In 1836 there arrived H.M.S. "Rattle-
snake," bringing with her, as the official head of the new
settlement, Captain Lonsdale, — after whom one of the main
streets of Melbourne is now named. This seems to have
been the first official recognition of the place ; and at that
time the town — or rather settlement — had been called by
the inhabitants Glenelg, after the Colonial Secretary, whom
we, who are old, remember as Charles Grant. It was not
till the next year that it was named Melbourne, after the
then Prime Minister in England.
This was the beginning of Port Phillip ; but Victoria did
EARLY HISTORY OF PORT PHILLIP. 21
not even then exist. From its very earliest commencement
Port Phillip was a success. It must be remembered that in
those days there was no gold, and that this new settlement
was not bolstered up by money from home, as was the case
with the convict establishments at Sydney, in Van Diemen's
Land, and at Moreton Bay. It seems that from the first
agriculture, joined with the growth of wool, — not the growth
of wool only, — had been the purpose of those who migrated
from Launceston to Port Phillip. We are told as regards
the first comers that after so many days, — within five days
or within six days of their arrival, — the plough had passed
through the soil, and that the seed was sown. Australian
colonists had become discontented with themselves in that
they had not as yet produced wheat for their own use. In
New South Wales the effort to do so had failed. In South
Australia it was already succeeding. In Victoria the
attempt was at once made, and it has progressed with
moderate success. The colony has not as yet been able
to feed itself. In 1S38 the young settlement had all the
healthy roughness of youth. Melbourne consisted of a few
wooden huts, and, as we are told, looked like an Indian
village. There was a wooden church with a bell suspended
from a tree. There were two little wooden publicdrouses.
Kangaroos were eaten because mutton was still scarce.
Mr. Fawkner, of whom I have spoken, established a news-
paper, but it was a newspaper in manuscript, of which I will
speak further in a future chapter. In one of these papers
there is an advertisement for a ferry between Melbourne and
Williamstown, which is now the port of Melbourne. " Parties
from Melbourne are requested to raise a smoke and the boat
will be at their service as soon as practicable." The stumps
of trees still stood in the one or two streets which were
already in course of formation. That such should have
been the condition of a young town is by no means remark-
able ; but that it should so lately have been the condition
of a city so great as Melbourne now is, I regard as very
remarkable. This was in 1838, — a period which to some
of us does not seem to be very remote ; and now Melbourne
is one of the most successful cities on the face of the earth.
22 VICTORIA.
" The Port Phillip settlement was not five years old when
its inhabitants began to call for separation from New South
Wales, and for its establishment as a distinct colony, with
equal privileges to those conferred upon Van Diemen's
Land in the south and South Australia in the west. A
partial answer to their demand was made by the political
reform of 1842, which gave a larger area and political insti-
tution to the district, and allowed it to send six delegates of
its own to the Legislative Council at Sydney." * But such
representation as this by no means satisfied the aspiring
political idea of the new settlers. It did not suit them to
send delegates to Sydney, which they regarded as a place
subject altogether to government authority, — slow, conser-
vative, and down-trodden. Such has ever been and still is
the idea held in Melbourne and Victoria generally of
Sydney and its surroundings. It seems that from the very
beginning of its life Melbourne resolved that she would not
be subject to Sydney. The agitation was continued down
to 1850, taking at last the form of a demand for absolute
separation. In those days, — though they are but the other
day, — such requests were not granted easily, as they are
now. It was thought wise then to grant slowly and with
seeming reluctance. But in 1850 the request was granted,
and an Act of Parliament was passed making Port Phillip a
separate colony. The arrangement commenced on 1st July,
1 85 1, and its present name, Victoria, is said to have been
selected by the Queen herself. On that date Victoria
became a separate colony, the fifth in chronological order of
those which we know together as Australia. New South
Wales had been the first, Van Diemen's Land — now Tas-
mania— the second, Western Australia the third, South
Australia the fourth, and now Victoria, soon to become by
far the most important, was the youngest.
But its importance did not come from that wealth of pas-
ture and wealth of corn-bearing soil to which the Hentys,
Batmans, and Fawkners had looked when they passed over,
into the land from Tasmania. What might have been the
* " The Story of Our Colonies," by Fox Bourne.
EARLY HISTORY OF PORT PHILLIP. 23
future of Victoria had her success depended on those simple
products of the soil, it is useless now to speculate. In grow-
ing wheat she could not have competed with South Australia,
as her climate is less favourable for the product. In pro-
ducing wool she could not have competed with New South
Wales, as her borders are narrower and her limits confined.
In regard to fruits and vegetables she is infinitely inferior
to her despised mother, Tasmania. She has no special gifts
of fine harbours, an advantage bestowed by nature, which
will sometimes compensate evil qualities in other directions.
Port Jackson, Hobart Town, and King George's Sound are
infinitely better ports than Hobson's Bay, the roadstead at
the top of Port Phillip, into which the Yarra River runs,
and which forms the port of Williamstown and the harbour
of Melbourne ; — for in reaching this haven vessels have to
pass the Rip, which bubbles and eddies -between the heads
which guard the entrance forty miles down from Melbourne.
Luckily for the new settlement, they who had founded it
had been men of energy, fit for the work in hand, not
expecting too much, anxious of course to thrive, but not
looking for instant fortunes, prone to work themselves and
capable of making others work ; by no means gentlemen in
the ordinary sense of the word, but as good a set of colonists
as ever were landed on the shores of a new country.
Within fifteen years from their start, if we count from the
foundation of Melbourne, — or within sixteen from the date
of Mr. Henty's arrival at Portland, — they had already
caused themselves to be classed as a separate colony, with
a governor of their own, — and a parliament of their own,
though not a parliament so thoroughly radical in its con-
struction as that which they now possess. There can be
but little doubt that without other chances in its favour a
colony so founded would not have been the last in the race.
But other fortune did attend it, so rich, so attractive, and so
magnificent that it has become the very first on the list. No
single British colony has ever enjoyed prosperity so great
and so rapid as has fallen to the lot of Victoria.
In 185 1 gold was struck at Ballaarat or the neighbour-
hood. It was soon apparent that the entire condition of the
24 VICTORIA.
colony was changed by the success of the gold-fmdeis, and
that Victoria, as she is now and has been since we first
began to talk about Melbourne at home as one of the great-
cities of the earth, was made out of gold. Gold made Mel-
bourne. Gold made the other cities of Victoria. Gold
made her railways ; gold brought to her the population
which demanded and obtained that democratic form of
government which is her pride. Gold gave its special value
to her soil, — not only or chiefly from its own intrinsic value,
not only or chiefly to that soil which contains it, — but to
surrounding districts, far and wide, by the increased demand
for its product and the increasing population which required
it for their homes.
But this success was achieved by no means without a
struggle, nor did the good things come without bringing for
awhile many ill things in their train. There is this pecu-
liarity in gold, as an object of industry, that the quest of it
disturbs all other adjacent industries. It is natural of
course that men should seek that work in which they can earn
the best wages, and that any new calling offering high pay
will to a certain degree derange the supply of labour ordi-
narily forthcoming for ordinary occupations. But in all
other trades than that of gold-seeking, the customary work-
ing of commerce soon brings matters to a level. Wages
rise a little on one side and fall a little on the other. Skill,
and power, and intelligence hold their own, and the disrup-
tions that occur are those of a passing storm. But gold up-
heaves everything, and its disruptions are those of an earth-
quake. The workman rushes away from his old allotted
task, not to higher wages, not to 3J. a clay instead of 2s., or
6s. instead of $s., but to untold wealth and unlimited
splendour, — to an unknown, fabulous, but not the less
credited realm of riches. All that he has seen of worldly
grandeur, hitherto removed high as the heavens above his
head, may with success be his. All that he has dreamed of
the luxurious happiness of those whom he has envied seems
to be brought within his reach. It seems to him that the
affairs of the world generally are to be turned over and
reversed, and that thus at last justice is to be done to him
EARLY HISTORY OF PORT PHILLIP. 25
who has hitherto been kept cruelly too near the bottom of
the wheel. His imagination is on fire, and he is unable any
longer to listen to reason. He is no longer capable of doing
a plain day's work for a plain day's wages. There is gold
to be had by lifting it from the earth, and he will be one of
the happy ones to lift it. The presence of gold is a fact.
All the corollaries of the fact might be plain to him also, if
he would open his ears to them, — but, in regard to himself,
he is deaf as an adder to them. That all the world around
him is rushing to the diggings, he can see ; — and he knows
that there are not princely fortunes for them all. In some
rough way he knows that, were there fortunes for them all,
the fortunes would cease to be princely. But " something
tells him," — as he explains to the friend of his bosom, —
" something tells him " that he is to be the lucky man.
There is a something telling the same lie to every man in
that toil-worn crowd, as with sore feet and heavy burden on
his shoulders he hurries on to the diggings. -In truth he has
become a gambler, — and from this time forth a gambler he
will live ; though his true industry, the sweat of his brow,
which will be really productive for the world's good, will
save him from those worst curses which attend a gambler's
career.
Thus it was that men from all this colony and all the
colonies, and that men in crowds from the old mother
country and from other countries, hurried off to. Victoria.
The effect upon South Australia, to the west, was so great,
that for a time it was feared that the young settlement
would be depopulated. Farms were abandoned, and sold
for a trifle. Tradesmen shut up their shops. When their
customers had gone to the diggings, what could they do but
follow ? Shepherds from the recently stocked pastures of
the Riverina and the Darling rushed down over the Murray.
And worse still, the shearers who should have shorn the
flocks were gone when the fleeces were ready for the shears.
All these were welcomed by the young colony. There was
no jealousy of new-comers as long as those who came bore
characters as honest men, — or had at least had no brands
upon the forehead. But the convicts from Tasmania broke
26 VICTORIA.
loose and swelled the crowd. Barriers which had sufficed
to retain the unexcited felon availed nothing when the
imagination of the wretch had been inflamed by tidings of
gold. They also swarmed over from the island and joined
the crowd, to the loudly expressed disgust of a colony which
was perhaps somewhat Pharisaical by reason of her own
comparative purity.
Then there arose such a turmoil of circumstances, such a
hurly-burly of social and material wants, as men were sure
not to have anticipated, though in looking back upon the
facts every one now can see well that they were unavoid-
able. How was the crowd to feed itself, to shelter itself,
and to clothe itself? With such business as that on which
they were engaged, deficiencies in respect of house accom-
modation could be endured. The smallest and the roughest
tents sufficed. Boots, trousers, and a flannel shirt completed
the wardrobe of many a high-born digger, and as long as
the articles would hold together men working for gold would
be content. But there must be food ; and the feeding of
20,000 men, brought together as though by magic, requires
almost miraculous energy. All things in the neighbourhood
of the diggings became extravagantly dear, — so dear that
the absolute value of the article seemed hardly to bear at
all on the price fixed. And in response to this, or rather
as an encouragement to it, the diggers themselves, with
newly found gold in their hands, indifferent as they were to
comforts, seemed hardly to care what they paid for those
luxuries of which they had dreamed. To such a one it was
nothing to give an ounce of gold for a bottle of so-called
champagne, though the champagne had cost in Melbourne
perhaps 3^. Gd., and the gold was worth certainly more than
But who was to supply the wants of diggers when every
one was himself a digger ? Or, if there were some steady
enough to resist the temptation and to cling to haunts which
were comparatively old, how were they to obtain that assist-
ance in their work of living, which in this complex world we
all render one to another? Who was to cook his dinner for
the unfortunate lawyer who had lately settled in the rising
EARLY HISTORY OF PORT PHILLIP. 27
town of Melbourne, when every young woman had rushed off
to the diggings, to get whatever wages she chose to ask,
even if she could not do better for herself by getting a dig-
ger as a husband ? Or, whoever was to sell him a mutton
chop to be cooked, when the half-dozen butchers of the
rising metropolis had gone away to the diggings, either
themselves to dig or else to follow the much more profitable
occupation of supplying the diggers ? For it was soon found
that this first El Dorado had brought a second with it.
There was already a double set of gold-seekers. It was a
grand thing to drink champagne at an ounce of gold the
bottle ; but it was a much better thing, if not a grander, to
sell champagne at that price. It was fine to get a nugget ;
- — only that nuggets were so uncertain. But there were
nuggets found daily by some happy diggers, and those who
found were always ready to buy everything that was offered
to them. That second El Dorado was more certain though
less glorious than the first.
There was, indeed, an earthquake which at first it seemed
impossible that the community as a whole should withstand.
Everything was disordered and out of place. All that had
been at the bottom was at the top. That which had been
at the top was at the bottom. How were these men to be
governed, who by the very nature of their calling want much
of that protection which we call government ? Something of
the same kind occurred in the early days of California, — but
not to the same extent ; and there Lynch law had prevailed.
They who saw those times in California declare that society
there was preserved by Lynch law ; — that, bad as it must
necessarily be, unjust, tyrannical, cruel, conducive as it must
be to a reign of terror and unlimited power in the hands of
some few utterly unfit to use it, it was infinitely better than
the no-law which would otherwise have prevailed. But Cali-
fornia had then been very distant from any recognised seat
of power, whereas Ballaarat was no more than 100 miles
from Melbourne. The government was bound to govern, — ■
to send magistrates, commissioners, inspectors, constables,
and the like. But you cannot make a man be a constable,
nor even a magistrate, against his will. When the men to
28 VICTORIA.
be watched were finding nuggets of gold before noon, and
nuggets in the afternoon, and nuggets at night, at what rate
per annum and per week were you to pay your magistrates
and your constables ?
The reader will not, I think, fail to understand that there
was much of what we call rough work in the colony at that
time. There arose one turmoil so loud that soldiers were
called on to fight the miners, and that miners entrenched
themselves within palisades, intending to fight the soldiers.
This, too, occurred at Ballaarat, and I shall say perhaps a
word of that affair when speaking of Victoria's mining capital.
My present object is to show the conditions through which
the colony has passed, and the causes which have made it
what it is. Gradually things settle themselves into the old
grooves, and the earthquake died out. Its rumblings were
still heard, — but at last it rumbled only, and did not frighten.
And when it had passed away the causes which had created
it had filled the land with wealth. Many had been ruined.
Many a youth, who in his own country had enjoyed all that
love and education could do for him, had come out to
perish miserably in the mud of an Australian gully. There
had been terrible suffering, crushing disappointment, — all
the agonies of toil, at first hopeful, but at last utterly unre-
munerative, of which no history can ever be written. There
had been broken hopes, wasted energies, the ague-fit after
the fever. But a people had been established, and a land
had been enriched. This, I take it, is all that need be said
of the early history of Victoria.
CHAPTER III.
MELBOURNE.
Melbourne has certainly made a great name for itself, and
is the undoubted capital, not only of Victoria but of all
Australia. It contains, together with her suburbs, 206,000
souls, and of these so-called suburbs the most populous are
as much a part of Melbourne as Southwark is of London ; — ■
or were I to say as Marylebone is of London, my descrip-
tion would be true, as there is no line of demarcation trace-
able by any eyes but those of town-councillors and the
collectors of borough rates. There are very many cities in
the world with larger populations,- — so many that the number
does not strike one with surprise. But I believe that no
city has ever attained so great a size with such rapidity.
Forty years ago from the present date (1873), the foot of no
white man had trodden the ground on which Melbourne
now stands, unless it was the foot of Buckley the escaped
convict, who lived for thirty years with a tribe of native
savages.
Melbourne is not a city beautiful to the eye from the
charms of the landscape surrounding it, as are Edinburgh
and Bath with us, and as are Sydney and Hobart Town in
Australia, and Dunedin in New Zealand. Though it stands
on a river which has in itself many qualities of prettiness in
streams, — a tortuous, rapid little river with varied banks, —
the Yarra Yarra by name, it seems to have but little to do
with the city. It furnishes the means of rowing to young
men, and waters the Botanical Gardens. But it is not " a
joy for ever" to the Melbournites, as the Seine is to the
30 VICTORIA.
people of Paris, or the Inn to the people of Innsbruck.
You might live in Melbourne all your life and hardly know
that the Yarra Yarra was running by your door. Nor is
Melbourne made graceful with neighbouring hills. It stands
indeed itself on two hills, and on the valley which separates
them ; and these afford rising ground sufficient to cause con-
siderable delay to the obese and middle-aged pedestrian
when the hot winds are blowing, — as hot winds do blow at
summer-time in Melbourne. But there are no hills to pro-
duce scenery, or scenic effect.
Nevertheless the internal appearance of the city is cer-
tainly magnificent. The city proper, — that Melbourne itsel
which is subject to the municipal control of the mayor, and
which in regard to all its municipal regulations is distinct
from its suburbs, — is built on the Philadelphia!!, rectangular,
parallelogrammic plan. Every street runs straight, and every
other street runs either parallel to it or at right angles with
it. The principal streets run east and west, — Great Flinders
Street, then Collins Street, — which is the High Street of the
city, and its Regent Street and Bond Street ; then Bourke
Street, — which is its Oxford Street and Cheapside ; and then
beyond them Latrobe Street, Lonsdale Street, and others.
Second class streets, but streets which do not admit
themselves to be second class, run at right angles to these ;
Russell Street, Swanston Street, — a street which by no means
thinks itself second class ; Elizabeth Street, — also a proud
street ; Queen Street, William Street, and King Street. And
then between all these streets, — which are busy streets, —
there run little streets calling themselves lanes, and assuming
generally the name of their big brother. Thus there are
Flinders Lane and Collins Lane, and so on. But they are
all regular, all rectangular, and all parallelogrammic.
It is the width of the streets chiefly which gives to the city
its appearance of magnificence ; — that, and the devotion of
very large spaces within the city to public gardens. The3e
gardens are not in themselves well kept. They are not lovely,
as are those of Sydney in a super-excellent degree. Some
of them are profusely ornamented with bad statues. None
of them, whatever may be their botanical value, are good
MELBOURNE. 31
gardens. But they are large and numerotrsf aTTcTgive an air
of wholesomcness and space to the whole city. They afford
green walks to the citizens, and bring much of the health
and some of the pleasures of the country home to them all.
One cannot walk about Melbourne without being struck
by all that has been done for the welfare of the people
generally. There is no squalor to be seen, — though there
are quarters of the town in which the people no doubt are
squalid. In every great congregation of men there will be a
residuum of poverty and filth, let humanity do what she
will to prevent it. In Melbourne there is an Irish quarter,
and there is a Chinese quarter, as to both of which I was
told that the visitor who visited them aright might see much
of the worst side of life. But he who would see such misery
in Melbourne must search for it especially. It will not meet
his eye by chance as it does in London, in Paris, and now
also in New York. The time will come no doubt when it
will do so also in Melbourne, but at present the city, in all
the pride of youthful power, looks as though she were
boasting to herself hourly that she is not as are other cities.
And she certainly does utter many such boasts. I do not
think that I said a pleasant word about the town to any
inhabitant of it during my sojourn there, driven into silence
on the subject by the calls which were made upon me for
praise. " We like to be cracked up, sir," says the American.
I never heard an American say so, but such are the words
which we put into his mouth, and they are true as to' his
character. They are equally true as to the Australian gene-
rally, as to the Victorian specially, and as to the citizen
of Melbourne in a more especial degree. He likes to be
" cracked up," and he does not hesitate to ask you to
"crack him up." He does not proceed to gouging or bowie
knives if you decline, and therefore I never did crack
him up.
I suppose that a young people falls naturally into the fault
of self-adulation. I must say somewhere, and may as well
say here as elsewhere, that the wonders performed in the way
of riding, driving, fighting, walking, working, drinking, love-
making, and speech-making, which men and women in Australia
32 VICTORIA.
told me of themselves, would have been worth recording
in a separate volume had they been related by any but the
heroes and heroines themselves. But, reaching one as they
did always in the first person, these stories were soon re-
ceived as works of a fine art much cultivated in the colonies,
for which the colonial phrase of " blowing" has been created.
When a gentleman sounds his own trumpet he " blows."
The art is perfectly understood and appreciated among the
people who practise it. Such a gent'eman or such a lady
was only " blowing ! :' You hear it and hear of it every
clay. They blow a good deal in Queensland ; — a good deal
in South Australia. They blow even in poor Tasmania.
They blow loudly in New South Wales, and very loudly in
New Zealand. But the blast of the trumpet as heard in
Victoria is louder than all the blasts, — and the Melbourne
blast beats all the other blowing of that proud colony. My
first, my constant, my parting advice to my Australian
cousins is contained in two words — " Don't blow."
But if a man must blow it is well that he should have
something to blow about beyond his own prowess, and I do
not know that a man can have a more rational source of
pride than the well-being of the city in which he lives. It
is impossible for a man to walk the length of Collins Street
up by the churches and the club to the Treasury Chambers,
and then round by the Houses of Parliament away into
Victoria Parade, without being struck by the grandeur of
the dimensions of the town. It is the work of half a morn-
ing for an old man to walk the length of some of the streets,
and to a man who cannot walk well the distances of Mel-
bourne soon become very great indeed. There seems to be
this drawback upon noble streets, and large spaces, and
houses with comfortable dimensions, that as the city grows
the distances become immense. They are now far longer
in Melbourne with its 200,000 inhabitants clustered toge-
ther than in Glasgow with 500,000 ; and as the population
increases and houses are added to houses, it will become
impossible for pedestrians to communicate unless they devote
the entire clay to travelling. There will, no doubt, be rail-
ways about the town, as there are about London, but it
MELBOURNE. 33
seems strange that half a million of people should not be
able to live together within reach of each other.
The city, I have said, is magnificent, — and yet no street
in it is finished. Even in Collins Street the houses stand in
gaps. Here and there are grand edifices, — in the first place
banks, as to which it seems that in these days grandeur pays
as in old days did that quiet, almost funereal, deportment
which was the characteristic of Lombard Street, and is still
maintained by one or two highly respectable London firms.
The banks in Melbourne are pre-eminent, and next to them
the warehouses of ambitious retail dealers. And there are
some very handsome churches, — not always built with close
attention to the proprieties of church architecture as recog-
nised by us, but nevertheless handsome. Here and there
is a grand public building, — the Post Office and the Town
Hall being very grand. There are Institutions of various
kinds, all having domiciles more or less magnificent. A
few private houses have been built with architectural pre-
tensions, and in this way there is enough of detailed splen-
dour to give a character to the streets. But no street is
as yet splendid throughout. In speaking of the outward
appearance of Melbourne, I must not forget the gutters,
which in rainy weather run down each side of the street like
little rivers. These are now bridged over so constantly
and so well that they offer practically but little impediment
to the walker. In hot weather they often flow with water
from the reservoir, and help to cool the town. But in the
old days, — when the bridges were few and far between, or
when there were no bridges at all, — it used to be a work of
danger to get about. It was then no uncommon thing to
hear that "another child" had been drowned in Melbourne
that morning.
Though the suburbs of Melbourne, — such specially as
Collingwood, Fitzroy, and Richmond, — are in fact parts of
the town, they seem to have been built on separate plans,
and each to have had a ceremonial act of founding or settle-
ment on its own part, — being in this respect unlike suburbs,
which are usually excrescences upon a town, arising at hap-
hazard as houses are wanted. But these subsidiary towns
D
34 VICTORIA.
are all rectangular and parallelogrammic on their own bottom,
though not rectangular and parallelogrammic in regard to
Melbourne. If the streets of the one run from north to
south, and from east to west, the streets of the other run
from north-east to south-west, and from south-east to north-
west. This seems to have been of importance, — and equally
so that they should have separate mayors, separate town-
councils, and above all separate town-halls. Collingwood
has over 18,000 inhabitants; Emerald Hill over 17,000;
Richmond over 16,000; and Fitzroy over 15,000 inhabi-
tants ; but to the world at large these places are parts of
Melbourne.
But the magnificence of Melbourne is not only external.
The city is very proud of its institutions, and is justified in
its pride. Foremost among these, as being very excellent
in the mode of its administration, is the public Library. In
the first place it is open gratuitously to all the world, six
days a week, from ten in the morning till ten in the evening.
In the second place, whatever the library possesses can be
got by any reader without trouble. It contained indeed, in
1870, no more than 60,000 volumes, which to those who
are accustomed to wander among the shelves of the British
Museum, or of the Oxford and Cambridge libraries, does not
seem to be a large number. But the books have been
selected for the uses of the people, and in such a library
multiplied editions are hardly necessary. And the too vast,
multiplication of volumes leads to infinite difficulty in the
manipulation of them. Here at Melbourne any man who is
decent in his dress and behaviour can have books, shelter,
warmth, chair, table, and light up to ten at night, day after
day, night after night, year after year, — and all for nothing. For
women, who choose to be alone, — and in the colonies as in
the United States it is always presumed that women will
choose to be alone, — a separate room is provided. This is
only beaten at Boston, Massachusetts, where the inhabi-
tants of the city are allowed to take the books home with
them.
Melbourne also has its University, — which has hardly as
yet been as successful as its Library ; though for it, as for
MELBOURNE. 35
that at Sydney, I do not doubt that success will be forthcom-
ing. It is at present richer in the possession of council, of
senate, of doctors of law and medicine, and in masters of
arts, than it is in students. In 1870 seven gentlemen took
degrees as bachelors of arts, the average of ten years having
been five in each year. In 1870, 122 students, in all,
attended lectures, — a number which is poor for a university
with a chancellor, a vice-chancellor, a senate, four professors,
and nine other lecturers. In 1870 the government paid
,£9,000 towards the expenses of the University, the college
fees amounting to no more than ,£2,793 ; — a pecuniary result
which must be acknowledged to be poor in so rich a com-
munity. But in considering all this the nature of the com-
munity must be borne in mind, and the fact, that though
education generally is more desired by such a people than it
is in an old country such as ours, education of a high order is
by no means equally in demand. People even who are rich
are unwilling to pay the expenses of procuring it for their
children, — an expense which is not at all in proportion with
their previous experience of the cost of education. It will
probably be acknowledged that a government, in such
circumstances, is right to support a university among its
people till the time shall come in which a class shall have
grown up willing to support it for themselves.
The University itself is a modest, pretty quadrangular
building, of which three sides are completed, containing
simply the lecture-rooms and library, and the residences of
the professors. The fourth side will be added as funds are
found. The University itself does not profess to provide
accommodation for the residence of scholars. Attached to
it, however, is an affiliated institution called Trinity College,
■ — got up in the interests of the Church of England, and I
believe I shall be correct in saying, chiefly by the energy of
that most excellent of men, the present bishop. No salary
is here provided by government for a faineant Head of the
House, as I found to be the case at Sydney. When I visited
the Melbourne University in 1872, there was Trinity College,*
* I have since been much pleased at learning that the affiliated
college was nearly full.
36 VICTORIA.
but as yet there were no collegians. The building had been
erected and furnished, and was ready to take in twenty
students, at 30^. a week for board and lodging. Here, it
was hoped, might the future young pastors of the Church
of England in the colony receive their learning. Seeing how
much had been done by how good a man, I give the new
college all my best wishes. Behind the University, and in
the grounds belonging to it, stands the Museum, which is
open to the public gratuitously. I am not, myself, qualified
to speak of the value of museums, but this one seems to
have the special and somewhat unusual merit of being
so arranged that its contents are intelligible to ordinary
capacities.
I have spoken of the gardens of Melbourne generally as
contributing largely to the spacious dimensions of the town ;
but I must not omit to make special mention of the Botani-
cal Gardens, and of their learned curator, Dr. Von Mueller.
Dr. Von Mueller, who is also a baron, a fellow of half the
learned societies in Europe, and a Commander of the Order
of St. Jago, has made these gardens a perfect paradise of
science for those who are given to botany rather than to
beauty. I am told that the gardens and the gardener, the
botany and the baron, rank very highly indeed in the estima-
tion of those who have devoted themselves to the study of
trees, and that Melbourne should consider herself to be rich
in having such a man. But the gardens though spacious are
not charming, and the lessons which they teach are out of
the reach of ninety-nine in every hundred. The baron has
sacrificed beauty to science, and the charm of flowers to
the production of scarce shrubs, till the higher authori-
ties have interfered. When I was at Melbourne there
had arisen a question whether there should not be some
second and, alas ! rival head-gardener, so that the people
of Melbourne might get some gratification for their money.
The quarrel was running high when I was there. I can
only hope that flowers may carry the day against the
shrubs.
There are no poor-laws in the colonies, and consequently
no poor-rates. Destitute men and women are not entitled by
MELBOURNE. 37
law to be fed and boused at the public expense, as they are in
England. As far as the law is concerned any man who
cannot feed himself may lie down and die. But such is not
the result of things as they exist. Poor and destitute there
are, though they are very few in number as compared with
those among us at home. Work is more plentiful. Wages
are higher. Food is cheaper. In bis personal condition
the working man does not stand always near to the edge of
the precipice of destitution, as he too frequently does in
Europe. But there are poor, — both men and women, — and
for them shelter and food are found, and very many of the
comforts of life. These are provided in buildings called
Benevolent Asylums, of which there are five in Victoria, —
the largest establishment being in Melbourne. Here, in
Melbourne, about 12,000 poor are relieved in the course of
the year, some using it as a temporary refuge and some
living in it altogether. No one is ever turned out ; nor does
there seem to be any great difficulty in getting in if the appli-
cant be really destitute. It is worthy of remark that a very
small proportion of those who apply for relief are colonial
born. The growth of the colony, and the fact that most of the
aged in the country have been immigrants, will account for
this in some degree. But though Victoria is still growing
the colonies are old enough to have produced destitution of
their own. In 1870 there were 11,739 persons in the
Victorian Benevolent Asylums, of which but little more than
a tenth were born in the colony. This I attrioute to the
fact that the generation born in the colonies drinks less and
is more careful of its means than they who. go thither from
Europe. The theory of these asylums is that they should
be supported by voluntary contribution with aid from govern-
ment. The fact is that they are supported by government
with some little aid from voluntary contribution, — and with
something made by the work of the inmates. In 1870 the
asylum at Melbourne cost ,£18,856, of which ,£15,000 were
paid by the government, and but ,£2,000 by private
contributions. In Victoria government pays for every-
thing; and, why should the benevolent contribute when
the thing is provided in a different way? I have said
38 VICTORIA
that there were no poor-rates ; — but perhaps it may be
thought that the same thing is effected when the parlia-
ment makes a grant out of the general taxes of the
country. Could a pauper be suddenly removed out of an
English union workhouse into the Melbourne Benevolent'
Asylum, he might probably think that he had migrated to
Buckingham Palace.
When giving a catalogue of the peculiar institutions of
Melbourne, I must not omit " The Verandah." Not that
there is anything beautiful or grand about the Verandah, or
that it is an institution of which Melbourne is inclined to
boast. It is one, however, which she uses perhaps with
more thorough devotion than all the others put together.
The opportunities offered by it are never neglected ; and
they who have once tasted its charms, seldom fail to return
to them. "The Verandah" is a morsel of pavement in
Collins Street, on which men congregate under a balcony,
and there buy and sell gold shares. It is a small Bourse or
" Capel Court," held out of doors, the operations of which
are conducted with all the broad daylight of the public
street upon them, — but not on that account conducted with
any peculiar formality or reticence. I shall, however, be
under the necessity of speaking of " The Verandah " again
when describing the gold-fields of the colony and the
operations which they have produced.
I visited the Lunatic Asylum at Yarra Bend, — or rather
the two lunatic asylums, for there is an old and a new
establishment on opposite sides of the river Yarra, — and
other hospitals, and the penal establishment at Pentridge
and other gaols. I could tell how many inmates there
were in each, and how much each inmate cost, — no doubt
with all that inaccuracy which a confidence in statistics
customarily produces. But I doubt whether I should serve
or interest any one by doing so. But it may be well to
express the general conviction left on my mind by all these
visitings, — not only in reference to Melbourne and Victoria,
but as regards the colonies generally, — that a care for public
things predominates in them all. However greedy indivi-
duals may be after the wealth of each other, whatever fall-
MELBOURNE. 39
ings off there may be in individual morality and honesty,
whatever lapses in individual honour, the care of public
things is maintained throughout with an unspairing expen-
diture. In nothing is this more conspicuous than in the
protection given to the afflicted by the State. Let the cost
be what it may, the poor are to be taught, the needy
sheltered and fed, and the afflicted, whether in mind or
body, relieved as far as outward appliances may relieve
them.
Melbourne is the centre of a series of railways of which I
shall speak in another chapter, as they belong to the colony
generally rather than to the town ; but the city has the
advantage of a local line,- — belonging to a private company
and not worked by the government as are the colonial lines
generally, — which passes from St. Kilda and Emerald Hill
on one side, through Melbourne to Richmond, Prahran,
Brighton, and other suburbs on the other side, which is so
generally used that Melbourne itself is nearly as hollow
as London. I may almost say that no one lives in Mel-
bourne. Of this, one consequence is disagreeable. When
you dine out you are generally under the necessity of
returning by railway, — which is an abomination. But in
other respects the railway is a great blessing. People
even of moderate means live in the country air and
have gardens and pleasant houses. On two sides, south
and east, Melbourne is surrounded for miles by villa
residences.
There is now being built, very close to the town, a new
Government House, which is intended to be very magnifi-
cent. The governors who occupy it will probably find it
by far too much so. The present house, which is four
miles out of town, is very much abused as being inadequate
to its purpose. It certainly is much less grand than those
at Sydney, at Hobart Town, — which is first among govern-
ment houses, — or even at Perth in poor Western Australia.
Nevertheless I was present there at a public ball, at which
all Melbourne was entertained with true vice-royal munifi-
cence. Were I appointed governor of a colony, I should
deprecate very much a too palatial residence, I think it
40 VICTORIA.
may be admitted as a rule that governors find it hard to
live upon the salaries allotted to them, and generally do not
do so. Men used to accept bishopricks and governorships
with a view to making fortunes. It is beginning to be
admitted now that men with private means are wanted for
both.
There is perhaps no town in the world in which an ordi-
nary working man can do better for himself and for his
family with his work than he can at Melbourne. There
may be places at which wages are higher, but then at those
places the necessaries of life are dearer and the comforts of
life less easily attainable. There are others undoubtedly at
which living is cheaper ; — but there also are wages lower,
and the means of living less salutary and commodious.
When I left Melbourne in July, 1872, flour was cheaper
than in England. The price of wheat was then 6s. 8d. a
bushel in the Melbourne markets. Meat had risen greatly
during the last twelve months in consequence of the in-
creased exportation and the rise in the price of wool, and
then ranged in the city from <\d. to 6d. the pound. Butter
varied from 6d. to is. gd. the pound ; potatoes from jQt, to
^4 the ton; eggs from lod. to 2s. the dozen; tea from
is. 6d. to 2S. 6d. the pound ; coffee from is. to is. lod. a
pound ; coals from 28J. to 35J. a ton. The price of clothes,
taken all round, is I think about 20 per cent, dearer than in
London. A working man in Melbourne no doubt pays
more for his house or for his lodgings than he would in
London ; but then in Melbourne the labourer or artisan
enjoys a home of a better sort than would be within the
reach of his brother in London doing work of the same
nature, and in regard to house-rent gets more for his money
than he would do at home. In Melbourne the wages of
artisans and mechanics generally are ioj. a day. Such is
stated by the registrar of the colony to have been the
customary payment to blacksmiths, carpenters, masons, and
bricklayers in 1870, and I am assured that there has been
no reduction since that date. Gardeners receive from 50J.
to 60s. a week, and common labourers about 36s. a week.
These men, so paid, are supposed to be employed without
MELBOURNE. 41
diet, — or rations, as is the colonial phrase. A cook will
earn from ;C35 t0 Po45 a year > laundresses from ,£30 to
,-{'40 ; other maid-servants from ^20 to ^30. The ordi-
nary wages of a housemaid, who of course lives in the house,
are 10^. a week. Men-servants, in the house, earn from
£40 to ^55 per annum.
There can I think be little doubt that the artisan with
^3 a week, paying \d. a pound for his meat and id. for a
4 lb. loaf, may live very plentifully. He probably pays
about is. a week for the schooling of each of his children,
but such is the comfort of his condition that he can do this
without difficulty. I would not say to every artisan in London
that he should save his money and pack up all that he has,
and come out to Melbourne. Too often he cannot save
any money. Frequently he is unfit to emigrate. It is, too
generally, the case that the man who thus seeks new fortunes
has to undergo some hardship before he can find his feet in
the country of his adoption. I would not have any one
believe that he can enter in upon the good things of the
new world without trouble, without doubt, and without
delay. Many a poor fellow burdened with wife and family,
the best of whose strength has gone from him amidst the
hardships of labour at home, has been tempted to go out,
and when there has been unable to bear the roughness
of beginning and has fallen in the struggle. But when the
first struggle is over, and when the first battle has been won,
the life of the artisan there is certainly a better life than he can
find at home. He not only lives better, with more comfort-
able appurtenances around him, but he fills a higher position
in reference to those around him, and has greater considera-
tion paid to him, than would have fallen to his lot at home.
He gets a better education for his children than he can in
England, and may have a more assured hope of seeing them
rise above himself, and has less cause to fear that they shall
fall infinitely lower. Therefore I would say to any young
man whose courage is high and whose intelligence is not
below par, that he should not be satisfied to remain at
home ; but should come out, — -to Melbourne, if that desti-
nation will in other respects suit him ; and try to win a
43 VICTORIA.
higli.er lot and a better fortune than the old country can
afford to give him.
But if he take my advice and then turn recreant, — if he
become idle or self-indulgent, or take to drink and vicious
courses of pleasure, — then will woe betide him. For the
fate of such a one in the colonies is worse even than it is at
home.
CHAPTER IV.
BALLAARAT.
Ballarat, the gold-field city, — or Ballaarat as the conscien-
tious orthographists of the district insist on spelling it, —
deserves a separate chapter to itself. Not that the two
towns of that name, — Ballaarat and Ballaarat East, — with
their vicinities comprise now — a.d. 1873 — the most pro-
ductive gold-fields of Australia, as they are beaten by those
of Sandhurst ; but that the place has been more noticeable
than any other in the history of Australian gold, and more
productive, taking its history back to the time when gold
was first discovered there in 185 1.
That was the great year of the discovery of Australian
gold. I am not going into the deeply discussed question of
the merits of this or that discoverer, — as to which jealousy
is still rife both in New South Wales and Victoria. Taking
the belief which I now find to be the most common in the
colonies, I may say that Sir Roderick Murchison and Count
Strzelecki both foretold the finding of Australian gold,
basing their opinion on the geographical condition of the
country ; that Hargreaves, acting with others, first struck
gold at Ophir in New South Wales ; and that gold was first
discovered, in Victoria, at Clunes, some few miles from the
present city of Ballaarat. I will not venture to say who was
the first discoverer, but a miner named Esmond was re-
warded for the discovery. In New South Wales gold was
declared to be found in April, 185 1, and at Clunes in July,
1 85 1, so that the interval between the two colonies was
very small,
44 VICTORIA.
But, in regard to the discovery at Ciunes, I think it is not
to be doubted that gold was in fact found there eighteen
months before it was declared. The date usually given as
that of Esmond's discovery is July, 1851, — that being the
very month in which the government of the new colony of
Victoria commenced.
Both Hargreaves and Esmond had been gold-seekers in
California, and were led to their discoveries by observation
rather than by chance. There is, I believe, no doubt that
gold had been found by chance previous to the discoveries
of Hargreaves and Esmond, — but the finding of it had not
led to great public results. Both Hargreaves and Esmond
were rewarded.
Ciunes is about 16 miles from Ballaarat, but the richness
of the Ballaarat gold-fields soon followed the first discovery
at Ciunes. I am aware that I shall tread on very dangerous
ground indeed if I assign either names or dates to the first
movement of the soil at Golden Point, which is now built
over by the present town, — Ballaarat East. But before the
end of 1 85 1 the rush to Ballaarat was an established thing,
and whole streets of canvas tents were covering crowds of
miners. We are told that men flocked to the place at the
rate of 500 a day, — for whom no preparation had been
made, no shelter built, no food brought together, no local
laws enacted, no powers to enforce the laws existing. Its
too great prosperity, its prospect of immediate and appa-
rently unlimited wealth, was for a time more than the colony
could bear. The minds of men were so disturbed that no
man would remain at any old employment. Servants were
out of the question. Shearers would not shear sheep unless
they could earn their £6 or ^7 a day. Gold commis-
sioners with their clerks, police magistrates and policemen,
were indispensable ; but who would be a clerk, or a police-
man,— who even a magistrate or a commissioner, — when
gold could be washed out of the dirt at the rate of ten
ounces a day to each happy miner ? Food rose to incredible
prices, — but then it was almost matter of indifference to a
man whether he gave a shilling or a sovereign for his meal.
The young government was almost beside itself, — and letters
BALLAARAT. 45
full of frantic questions, eager fears, ambitious hopes, and
almost despair, must have reached our Colonial Office at
home by every mail. To whom did the gold belong ? If
to the Crown, how should the Crown use and how protect
its rights? In what way might this new wealth be turned
to account, so that the colony at large might enjoy the pros-
perity? Might any man dig where he pleased, — and if so,
how should he be protected in his digging? AVhat should
be his rights, and what his limits, and how should he be
made to pay for the now to him inestimable blessing of
protection ?
It was at first decreed that a miner should pay a fee of
30J-. a month for a licence to dig. This was very shortly
raised to ^3 a month, though that amount was in truth
never collected. The idea of charging a miner ^36 a year
for the privilege of digging arose from the desire to prevent
all the labour of the colony from throwing itself into the one
employment. But the outcry was so great that it was again
fixed at 30^. In October, 1854, the charge for a miner's
licence was £2 for three months. In the colony of Vic-
toria the licence now costs 5-r. a year. But the system of
licensing — of charging diggers even ^18 per annum for the
privilege of mining — was not received with ready submis-
sion, and the money was collected with infinite difficulty.
Recusant diggers were hunted down by armed police ; men
refused to pay] indignation meetings were held; — and at
length something like war broke out at Ballaarat. This was
in December, 1854, — when Sir Charles Hotham was gover-
nor, and about twelve months before his death. The dig-
gers entrenched themselves on the gold-fields in a place that
was called the Eureka Stockade. Here they were attacked by
night, and thirty of them were killed. The ringleaders were
afterwards tried and acquitted, — and so the war was brought
to an end. But in those days there was certainly much
difficulty in governing the colony, and in bringing into
order a new state of things. It seemed for a time as though
the very wealth of the soil would prove the ruin of the
country.
Now it might be difficult to find a more quiet town than
46 VICTORIA.
Ballaarat, as it certainly would be to find one of the same1
age better built and more lavishly provided with all the
appurtenances which municipalities require. It is certainly
a most remarkable town. It struck me with more surprise
than any other city in Australia. It is not only its youth,
for Melbourne also is very young ; nor is it the population
of Ballaarat which amazes, for it does not exceed a
quarter of that of Melbourne; but that a town so well
built, so well ordered, endowed with present advantages
so great in the way of schools, hospitals, libraries, hotels,
public gardens, and the like, should have sprung up so
quickly with no internal advantages of its own other than
that of gold. The town is very pleasant to the sight, which
is, perhaps, more than can be said for any other " pro-
vincial " town in the Australian colonies. When the year
185 1 commenced, Ballaarat was an unknown name except
perhaps here and there to a few shepherds. These words
are written in the house of Messrs. Learmonth, — younger
men than I, and therefore not old men to me, — who were
the first pioneers in the country, and who ran the sheep
which they brought with them from Van Diemen's Land
over the hills adjacent to Ballaarat. They have given way
to the gold-seekers, and, establishing themselves far enough
from mines for rural serenity and pastoral comfort, are
regarded as the territorial aristocrats of the district. Breath-
ing their air and listening to their ideas, one feels as one
does in the almost feudal establishment of some great Eng-
lish squire, who watches with a regret he cannot quite repress
the daily encroachments made upon his life by the approach-
ing hordes of some large neighbouring town.
Ballaarat has no navigable river. It is seventy or eighty
miles from any possibility of sea-carriage. The land imme-
diately around it is not fertile. It is high above the sea-level,
and runs in gentle hills which twenty years since were thinly
covered with gum-trees ; and here wandered the flocks of a
few patriarch pioneers. Then came first one or two rough
seekers after gold, then half-a-dozen, then a score, then a
rush, — and Ballaarat was established as one among the few
great golden cities of the young world. I do not think
BALLAARAT. 47
that there is any city equal to it that has sprung from gold
alone.
I myself believe in cities, — even though there should be
place in them for dishonest ambition, short-sighted policy,
and rowdiness. The dishonesty, the folly, and the rowdiness
are but the overboiling of the pot without which cannot be
had the hot water which is so necessary to our well-being. I
heard much abuse of Ballaarat from Ballaaratters. There
are three towns conjoined, Ballaarat, Ballaarat East, and
Sebastopol, with three town-halls, three municipalities, and
the like. The smaller towns will not consent to merge
themselves. There are in them men of obstruction, and
things cannot be done as they should be done. Money is
wasted ; municipal funds are expended foolishly, — perhaps
fraudulently on an occasion. If this class would only see
with the eyes of that class, what a paradise it might be !
But they see with quite other eyes, — and what a pande-
monium it is becoming. So say the men of Ballaarat. Trade
is going to the dogs, because there is not sufficient protection;
— or else because a tariff of 20 per cent, on all imported
goods, levied in accordance with the wisdom of certain
ministers is destroying all trade by raising the price of bad
goods and driving serviceable goods out of the market. No
words which can here be used are strong enough to describe
the iniquity which some MacEvoy attributes to some
O'Brien, or some Murphy to some Jones or Smith. Popu-
lation is falling off, so that shortly Ballaarat will be as a city
of the dead. Such are the accounts a stranger hears either
from this side or from that. One gentleman, who certainly
was very much in the dark as to the statistics of his town,
assured me that 20,000 people had gone out of Ballaarat in
two years. Another was angry with me because I hesitated
to believe that the place was ruined. I was assured that I
might hire 1,500 vacant houses at an hour's notice if I
wanted them. As for gold at Ballaarat, everybody knew
that that game had been played out !
Such were the records of some men. As far as the eye
went, I saw nothing but prosperity. Here I found that
most of the mines were worked by companies at wages paid
48 Victoria.
to the men, — -and that a miner's wages averaged from 40s.
to 48s. a week, — the man working eight hours a day, and
thus reaching that acme of the workman's bliss —
Js
" Eight hours for work, and eight for play,
Eight for sleep, and eight shillings a day."
And the necessaries of life, and the comforts, are at any rate
as cheap at Ballaarat as they are in England, in spite of
protective duties. Meat was about 2\d. a pound, and for
nothing did the workmen of Ballaarat pay more than his
brother in England, unless it be for clothes, for house-rent,
— and strong drinks, if he be that way given. Wages for all
work are high in proportion. In rural labour in the neigh-
bourhood the firmer pays 2 ox. a week and rations, and at
harvest-time must pay double that amount. Female servants
in houses get \2s. a week, — or above ,£30 per annum.
Houses no doubt have been built too quickly, — as is
always found to be the case when some check comes to the
rising population of young towns. Such check had reached
Ballaarat when I was there, — the rush for the time being to
the gold-fields of Sandhurst ; and newly built houses were to
be seen empty. " There's a ' spec ' that won't answer," said
a gentleman to me, pointing to a row of houses just finished,
but which from end to end showed no sign of habitation.
In two years' time some great quartz-crushing operation will
probably have been commenced ; and the then owner of the
row, — for the unfortunate first speculator will no doubt have
been sold out by his assignees, — will be making 30 per cent,
on his money.
There may be rowdiness, dishonesty and all other civic
sins in the manipulation of the municipal powers of Ballaarat
and other Australian cities ; — but as a rule the things which
a city requires are there. At Ballaarat this is conspicuously
the case. The hospital has more wards than it uses, and
more funds than it needs. As regards internal cleanliness
and sweetness, and external prettiness, it is perfect. The
Benevolent Institution, — which does the work that a poor-
house does with us, — gives either out-door relief or in-door
shelter and sustenance to all who cannot support themselves.
BALLAARAt. 49
Such sustenance in Ballaarat — as indeed at all such institu-
tions in Victoria— includes a thoroughly good dinner of
meat and vegetables every day, with tea for breakfast and
tea for " tea." It includes a bed perfectly clean, sitting-
room, books, newspapers, comfortable clothes, and a garden
to walk in infinitely superior to that enjoyed by many com-
fortable folk at home. Ballaarat has a public library, free to
all the city, — and a mechanics' institute, with newspapers
and privileges, at^i a head. It has indeed every munici-
pal luxury that can be named, including a public garden full
of shrubs and flowers, and a lake of its own, — Lake Wen-
douree, — with a steamer and row-boats and regattas. It has
a cricket-ground, and athletic games ; and it has omnibuses
and cabs, which by their cleanliness and general excellence
make a Londoner blush. For the privilege of seeing all
these things with ease and comfort, and for much steady
information, without exaggeration either on one side or the
other, I have to thank that best of all mayors, Mr. R. Lewes,
who reigned at Ballaarat at the time of my visit.
But as yet I have said nothing of the gold-mines which
have made Ballaarat what it is. Among Victorian gold-fields
it is famous for alluvial dirt to be washed, — not for quartz to
be crushed, as is the case with its rival town of Sandhurst,
of which I shall speak in the next chapter. But the reader
must not therefore suppose that Ballaarat is a place of mere
surface scratching, an agglomeration of gullies from which
the mud is shovelled into cradles, a congregation of "fos-
sickers " — men who search about, picking and washing a bit
of earth here and a bit there, or upper-air miners who know
nothing of large operations. The alluvial dirt which pro-
duces the greater portion of the wealth of Ballaarat has not
only to be brought up many hundred feet from under the
surface, but it has to be sought for through underground
passages thousands of feet in length, and has to be fol-
lowed up by geological deductions which too often fail in
their promises.
I went down one such mine called " AVinter's Freehold,"
descending 450 feet in an iron cage. I was then taken
4,000 feet along an underground tramway in a truck drawn
E
$o VICTORIA.
by a horse. At the end of that journey I was called upon
1o mount a perpendicular ladder about 20 feet high, and
was then led along another tramway running apparently at
right angles to the first. From this opened out the cross
passages in which the miners were at work. Here we saw
the loose alluvial grit, so loose that a penknife would remove
it, lying on the solid rock, — on it and under it, — to the
breadth I was told of some four feet ; for though I saw
the bottom of the grit, where it lay on its bed, I could
not see the top where it was covered. Here and there
among the grit, with candle held up, and some experienced
miner directing my eye, I could see the minute specs of
gold, in search of which these vast subterranean tunnels had
been made. It seemed to be but a speck here and there,
— so inconsiderable as to be altogether unworth the search.
But the mining men who were with us, the manager, deputy-
manager, or shareholders, — for on such occasions one
hardly knows who are the friends who accompany one, —
expressed themselves highly satisfied.
I was told that ^150,000 had been expended on this
single mine up to the present time, and that the machinery
was the finest in the colony. Perhaps the finest machinery
in the colony may be seen at more than one mine in the
colony. But I was informed that hitherto the results had
not been magnificent. There was, however, a good time
coming, and all the money expended would certainly come
back with copious interest. I hope that it may be so. We
were two hours in seeing the mine, — and I must say that as
regards immediate enjoyment the two hours were not well
spent. The place was wet and dirty and dark, the progress
was tedious, and the result to the eye very poor. But such
is the result to all amateur inspectors of mines. When we
had extricated ourselves from the bowels of the earth we
ascended to a platform on the top of the machinery, to
which the wash-dirt is carried that it may there be puddled
and the gold extracted. The height enables the water and
mud to iun off. The dirt is placed in a round flat recep-
tacle or trough, into which water runs, and an instrument
somewhat like a harrow is worked through it. The water and
fcALLAARAT. $t
mud are amalgamated, and the height enables them to run off
together. The gold by its own weight falls to the bottom
mixed with stones or shingle. This is afterwards sent down
to an open spout below, through which water runs, a man
the while working it with a fork prepared for the purpose.
Again the stones and mud pass off with the water, and
again the gold remains behind, sinking to the bottom by its
own weight. When all has escaped that will escape, and
the stones that will not fall have been thrown out, then the
specks of gold are seen lying thick, collected in the little
furrows which are marked on the bottom of the spout. To
the uninitiated eye the product of all this costly labour still
seems to be small.
After all this the gold is smelted into bars and sold to
the merchants or bankers. We went to the offices of
another company, — the Band of Hope and Albion Consols,
—to see the smelting. In this operation there is nothing
wonderful. The small gold — for it is all small in compari-
son with the nuggets of which we have heard so much and
which are now very rare in Australia — is poured into an
earthen pot, is melted, is poured out into moulds, is then
washed so that it may have a clean face, and is straightway
sent to the bank. At present the greater part of the gold
found at Ballaarat when thus prepared is worth something
over £4 an ounce. At this Band of Hope mine they raise
about 3,000 ounces of gold a month, at an expense of
about half its value. The other half is divided among the
shareholders, and gives an average interest of ^12 15.C per
cent, on the capital expended on the work. This, in a
business subject to great risk, with bank interest at 8 and 9
per cent, does not seem to be a very rich result.
We also saw a quartz-crushing machine at work, — for
quartz is raised at Ballaarat, though in much less quantity
than the wash-dirt. The nature of a quartz-crusher I have
described in speaking of Gympie, the great Queensland
gold-field. In Victoria, as I have said, Sandhurst is the
great quartz district ; — but there are sanguine people who
predict a vast wealth of quartz reefs at Ballaarat after the
wash-dirt has been all extracted.
CHAPTER V-
BENDIGO OR SANDHURST.
Having thus described Ballaarat, which in point of archi-
tectural excellence and general civilised city comfort is at
present certainly the metropolis of the Australian gold-
fields, I should lay myself open to charges of gross partiality
if I omitted to give some account of Sandhurst, — which
intends to surpass Ballaarat, and to become mightier and
more world-famous than that very mighty and world-famous
place. I do not pretend to say what may be the result of
the race.
My readers have, no doubt, heard of the Bendigo gold-
fields. I think it by no means improbable that some of
them, — in England, — may never have heard the name of
Sandhurst as connected with gold. I had not done so
when I first landed in Australia, though I had been often
told of Bendigo, having some hazy idea that the place had
called itself after a prize-fighter, and therefore must be a
very rowdy place indeed. I imagine that some such feeling
must have been predominant with the people of the place
when Bendigo, as a name, was dropped, and Sandhurst, — ■
which is not only euphonious, but which carries with it also
a certain mixed idea of youthful energy and military disci-
pline,— was chosen in its stead. Sandhurst means to go
ahead, and become a great city. In regard to the produc-
tion of gold it has gone very much ahead. As a city, when
I was there, it was neither handsome nor commodious. It
had the appearance, which is common to all new mining
towns, of having been scratched up violently out of the
SANDHURST. 53
body of the earth by the rake of some great infernal deity,
who had left everything behind him dirty, uncouth, barren,
and disorderly ! Any one who has seen the mining towns
as they rose in Cornwall and Glamorganshire must have
observed the same ugliness. At Sandhurst you see heaps
of upturned dry soil here and there, dislocated whims, rows
of humble houses built just as they were wanted, shops
with gewgaw fronts put up at a moment's notice, drinking-
bars in abundance, here and there an attempt at architecture,
made almost invariably by some banking company eager to
push itself into large operations ; — but with it all a look of
eager, keen energy which would redeem to the mind the
hideous objects which meet the eye, were it not that the
mind becomes conscious of the too-speculative nature of the
work done, — of the gambling propensities of the people
around, — and is driven to feel that the buying and selling
of mining shares cannot be done by yea, yea, and nay, nay.
In Melbourne there is the "verandah;" — in Sandhurst
there is a " verandah ;" in Ballaarat there is a " verandah."
The verandah is a kind of open exchange, — some place on
the street pavement apparently selected by chance, on which
the dealers in mining shares do congregate. What they do,
or how they carry on their business when there, I am unable
to explain. But to the stranger, or the passer by, they do
not look lovely. He almost trembles lest his eyes should be
picked out of his head as he goes. He has no business
there, and soon learns to walk on the other side of the
road. And he hears strange tales which make him feel
that the innocence of the dove would not befriend him at
all were he to attempt to trade in those parts. I think
there is a racing phrase as to " getting a tip." The happy
man who gets a tip learns something special as to the com-
petence or incompetence of a horse. There are a great
many tips in gold mines which fall into the fortunate hands
of those who attend most closely, and perhaps with most
unscrupulous fidelity, to the business of the verandahs.
The knowing ones know that a certain claim is going to
give gold. The man who has the tip sells out at a low
price, — sells out a certain number of shares, probably to a
54 VICTORIA.
friend who holds the tip with him. The price is quoted on
the share list, and the unfortunate non-tipped sell out also,
and the fortunate tipped one buys up all. A claim is not
going to give gold, — and the reverse happens. Or a claim
is salted ; — gold is surreptitiously introduced, is then taken
out, and made the base of a fictitious prosperity. The
tipped ones sell, and the untipped buy. It is easy to see
that the game is very pretty ; but then it is dangerous. It
has certainly become very popular. One is told at Mel-
bourne that all are playing at it, — clergymen, judges, ladies,
old ladies and young, married ladies and single, — old men
and boys, fathers unknown to their sons, and sons unknown
to their fathers, mothers unknown to their daughters,
daughters unknown to their mothers, — masters and servants,
tradesmen and their apprentices. " You shall go from one
end of Collins Street to another," a man said to me, " and
you will hardly meet one who has not owned a share or a
part of a share." Gold-mining in Victoria is as was to us
the railway mania some twenty-four years ago. Melbourne
no doubt is the centre of the trade in shares, but low
beneath the surface in the mines of Sandhurst lie the hearts
of the gold-gamblers.
At Ballaarat the chief produce of gold is still obtained from
alluvial dirt, — from dirt which is indeed extracted by deep
working out of the bowels of the earth, and not, as at first,
from the channels of rivers and the crevices of mountain
gullies, — but still from alluvial dirt, which, when extracted,
is washed. The gold remains after the washing and then
the operation is at an end. At Sandhurst the gold is got
by quartz-crushing. The gold-bearing rock is brought up in
great masses, — thousands and thousands of tons of stone,
which is called quartz. This is crushed by huge machinery,
and the gold is separated from the dirt by the use of quick-
silver and water. The washing of alluvial soil is the readier
way of getting gold, but the quartz-crushing is the more
important. Of the alluvial dirt there must, or at any rate
there may, soon be an end. The geologists say that the
crushers of quartz may cat up whole mountains, and still go
on finding stone that will give gold. Looking at a table
SANDHURST. 55
now before me as to quartz crushed at Sandhurst in 1871, I
find that 2 oz. 14 dwt. to the ton of quartz was the highest
amount extracted, and that 4 dwt. to the ton is the lowest
quant it)- there quoted. The proportion that will pay depends
of course on the amount of outlay. Some of the gold-
bearing stone is brought up 800 feet, and some only 100.
In some mines the levels and cross-cuts and underground
passages are worked for long distances, perhaps for a mile,
without gold. In others the gold is struck at once. It is
impossible, therefore, to say what proportion will pay ; but
it is certain that in many mines half an ounce, or two
sovereigns, to a ton of rock will pay well. It is on record
that 250 oz. of gold were extracted on the Bendigo gold-
fields from one ton of stone, — fifteen years ago. But the
great glory of Sandhurst was reached, when an average of
9 oz. per ton was extracted from 264 tons of quartz, taken
from " The Great Extended Hustler's mine."
I venture to extract a quotation from a published " Digest
of the Dividend-Paying Companies of the Bendigo Gold-
Fields," which is. now before me, — given in the shape of a
note, — because it purports to be a record of the greatest
event of the year 187 1.
" Note. — On October 18th, the greatest event of the year's quartz-
mining occurred. For some days previously the gathering of the
Extended Hustler's Tribute amalgam created much interest in mining
circles ; 6,400 oz. aggregate of amalgam was reached when the com-
pany proceeded to retort, and betting, except with those intimately
acquainted with the nature of the stone, was in favour of over 3,000 oz.
of gold. A little after 7 p.m. of the 18th the Oriental Bank solved all
doubts by exhibiting the Tribute Company's cake of 2,564 oz., and
shortly afterwards the Great Extended Hustler's Tribute declared the
largest dividend ever paid on Sandhurst, — 6s. 6d. per share, equal to
^9,100. The yield was obtained from 264 tons, reef 18 feet thick,
average 9 oz. per ton."
I saw this interesting cake at the Oriental Bank in Mel-
bourne, on which occasion the manager kindly offered to
give it to me on condition that I should carry it away.
All prosperous trades have a slang of their own, — certain
terms used to keep outsiders at a distance, and to create
that feeling of esoteric privilege which we all like to have in
56 VICTORIA.
regard to matters which we think we understand. A man
who only uses horses can never talk in professional language
to a man who breeds them and deals in them and lives with
them. A layman in politics, let him be ever so anxious for
his country, is all abroad when conversing with a member
of parliament about bills and acts, about notices of motion
and " the previous question." It is very much so with
mining. Everything is told to the visiting stranger, but I
don't think he is intended to understand anything. What
with tributes and claims, with leads and lodes, with shafts
and levels and cross-cuts and veins, with reefs and gullies,
with quartz, amalgam, tailings, and mullock, — I am by no
means sure of the spelling of that last word, — he is made to
feel that he is an outsider, and that he cannot learn mining
in a day. At Sandhurst I felt this very strongly ; — and my
reader will probably feel as I did. He will simply acknow-
ledge to himself the fact that a cake of gold containing
2,564 oz., — and worth about ^10,000, — is a very large cake
indeed.
The names selected by various companies at the Sand-
hurst gold-fields deserve attention. Sandhurst, which now
aspires to be the leading Australian gold-field, and which
certainly turns out more gold than any other, boasts at
present no less than 1,200 different companies. I should say
that there were 1,200 in the early part of 1872. The number
will probably be very greatly increased before these word
b
are published. The names chosen for these companies are
certainly very quaint. There are not less than fourteen
" New Chum " Companies, and there are three or four " Old
Chum " Companies. There are the Peg Leg, the Perfect
Cure, the Who can Tell, the Great Extended Who can Tell,
the Sons of Freedom, the Sir Walter Scott, the Sailor Prince,
the Royal Louisa, the Lord Byron, the Little Chum, the
Jonadab, the Hand and Band, the Happy Day, the Happy-
go-Lucky, the Great Extended South Golden Pyke, the Go
by Gold, the Charles Gavan Duffy, the Gladstone, — indeed
there are five or six Gladstone Companies ; — and, to be
fair, I must add that there is a Disraeli Company; I do
not, however, find it quoted among those that are paying
SANDHURST. 57
dividends. But, among all names at Sandhurst, the greatest
name, the most thriving, the best known, and the name in
highest repute, is — " Hustler." Whence came the appella-
tion I do not distinctly know, but I believe that there once
was — perhaps still is — a happy Hustler. If so, even the
Marquis of Granby among publicans has not been a more
prolific godfather than has Mr. Hustler among Sandhurst
miners. "What with original Hustler Companies and Tribute
Hustler Companies, with simple Hustlers, and Extended
Hustlers, and Great Extended Hustlers, with North
Hustlers, and South Hustlers, and with Extended North
and South Hustlers, the companies who claim the happy
name are difficult to count. There are at any rate two
dozen of them, and all, or nearly ah, are doing well.
Of these- 1,200 different companies, about one-third are,
so called, Tribute Companies. The parent company — for
instance the parent Great Extended Hustlers — lets off a
piece of land, or a claim, to a set of men, generally working
miners, having performed a certain portion of the preliminary
work, — having opened the shaft and put up machinery, and
probably shown that gold is to be had for the labour. The
claim is let on a certain tribute, — the tributers or sub-
company agreeing to pay a fixed proportion of the gold
extracted to the original company The miners are very
fond of going into this kind of speculation, as it opens up
to them the chance of making a fortune. But on the other
hand it opens up to them also the chance — and very often
the reality— of working for nothing. The expenses of the
mine and the tribute which is exacted will not unfrequently
consume all the gold produced ; or,— worse than that, — the
expense of the mine will go on, and there will be no produce.
The tributer will not only be working for nothing, but will
also be called on to pay towards the continuance of the
enterprise. He must live the while, — and would thus seem
to be debarred from such speculation unless he be possessed
of capital. But in fact such is not the case. A miner at
Sandhurst, when I was there, could earn from £2 ioj. to
£5 a week, and could live well on 20s. Two men, or more,
would form a partnership, of which the one half would work
58 VICTORIA.
for wages, and the other half on a tribute claim. The wages
would suffice to support the whole, and even to pay up a
certain amount of " calls." Should the speculation turn out
well, the profits would be divided among the lot. The
speculation often does turn out well, and men become
suddenly enriched. It often turns out badly, — and in such
cases the miners have worked barely for a subsistence. At
such places as Sandhurst it is said that in this way a grand
spirit of commercial enterprise is created and fostered. Men
without capital are enabled to enter in upon the joys of com-
mercial speculation. There is, however, another way of look-
ing at it ; and many no doubt will think that the commercial
speculation is simple gambling on a great scale. I have no
doubt myself that the miners who work simply for wages are
in the long run more prosperous than they who work on
tribute. A man's wages represent to him with clear and
well-defined reality the very sweat of his brow. If there be
enough for him to save something, and if he be given to
saving, he will save the surplus of money so earned. But
that which comes to him in a lump, from some happy chance,
from some pocket of gold found in the bowels of the earth,
from some rich crushing of quartz with which it has been
his lot to become connected, exalts him suddenly, upsets
his head, — and is apt to disappear as rapidly as it came.
All this of course is old-world teaching and grandmother's
tales. I feel as I write it that it is too trite to be written.
But I feel at the same time that it is impossible to write of
gold-mining in Australia without repeating the old lesson.
No doubt instances may be adduced of men who have made
and have kept splendid fortunes by gold-mining, — of men
who have done so without capital, by small speculations at
first, and by extended operations as the means have come
to them. I have heard of men so blessed, — and could
name one or two. But I have heard of no case in which
the man so blessed was represented to me as living after a
blessed fashion. I have, however, heard of cases by the
score in which the questionable blessing has never been
achieved, — as to which I have been told, frequently by the
speculators themselves, that had they stopped here or had
SANDHURST. 59
they stopped there, they would have made two, four, six,
ten, or twenty thousand pounds as the case may have been.
There has been a shake of the head, and a soft regret ; and
I always felt that I liked the man the better in that he had
lost it all, than I should have done had he become per-
manently successful.
As regards the working miners, including all those who
manage the works and overlook the machinery, I am bound
to say that they are a fine body of able and industrious men.
This is so on all the large gold-fields, and nowhere more
noticeably than at Sandhurst. They are intelligent, manly,
and independent, — altogether free from that subservience
which the domination of capital too often produces in
most fields of labour. I have spoken, perhaps as strongly
as I know how to speak, of the gambling propensities of
the population of a gold-mining town. I should be wrong
if I did not speak as strongly of the efforts which are made
by such communities, — which in Australia are always made
when the communities become large and apparently fixed, —
to ameliorate the condition of the people. The hospitals
are excellent, the provision for the indigent is so good as
almost to promote indigence, the schools are well conducted
and well filled, the churches are sufficient, and the clergy-
men are supported. The money comes freely and is freely
expended. And in no community are the manners of the
people more courteous or their conduct more decent. Of
course there is drinking. The idle men drink, — would-be
gentlemen, who are trying to speculate, without apparent
means of livelihood, drink, — miners who are not mining,
having what they call a spell, or holiday, will drink. But
the working miner is a sober man, with a sober family; and
of such the bulk of the mining population is made up. In
England working men drink ; — work by day, and drink by
night ; then half work by day and double drink by night, —
till the thing comes soon to an end. In Australia, as a
rule, the working man does not drink while he works.
The shearer does not drink ; the shepherd and boundary-
rider do not drink ; the reaper and ploughman do not
drink } — nor does the miner drink, Let them be idle for a
60 VICTORIA.
while ; let them take their wages and go away for a " spell;"
• — then they will drink as no Englishman ever drinks, drink
down in a fortnight the earnings of a year. But there is
less of this with miners than with shearers or ploughmen.
The miner gambles, — and is so saved from the worse vice
of drinking.
And the gambling of the miner has about it a certain
redeeming manliness which is altogether wanting to the
denizen of the race-course or of the roulette-table. Though
he gambles, he works and produces. The gambling is but
an excrescence on his genuine industry. The Sandhurst
regular miner works in shifts, of eight hours each shift,
throughout the day and night. The gold is being sought
and found, dug out and dragged up, and crushed out of its
matrix, the quartz, for four-and-twenty hours a day, during
six days of the week. And the skilled miner, by eight
hours' work a day, may earn at least gs. a day in a country
in which he and his wife and children may live comfortably
— and as regards food with absolute plenty — for 4s. a day.
The gold-miner at Sandhurst who keeps himself simply to
his work, and takes no part in New Extended Great Chum
Tributes, has, as work goes on in the world, by no means
an unhappy lot.
I went down the shaft of one mine, — the Great Extended
Hustler, T think it was called, — 600 feet below the surface,
and was received with the greatest courtesy. I am bound
to say that I saw nothing that was worth seeing, and that I
understood nothing of all that was told to me. This is an almost
disgraceful declaration to make, after one has pretended to
understand 2II that was said. But it was so with me, and is
so I take it with all travellers. The experienced and good-
natured professional miners who conduct the strangers are
anxious that everything should be made plain. To them
everything is plain. But the very A B C of their necessary
knowledge is probably Hebrew to the listener, who is too
grateful for the attention paid to him to tell the kind teacher
how utterly unintelligible to him is the whole matter in
question. It was so Avith me ; — but this I saw, and could
have seen as well above the earth as by going below, — that
SANDHURST. 61
tons of grey stone were dragged up, that the grey stone was
all stamped and crushed into powder by machinery, and
that out of the powder gold was got in certain proportions,
— so many ounces, or more probably so many pennyweights,
to the ton of stone, — and that, as the result was good or
bad, dividends were divided or were not divided among the
speculators.
CHAPTER VI.
GIPPSLAND, WALHALLA, AND WOODS POINT.
I went by coach from Melbourne to Gippsland with a
friend, partly with a view of visiting that district generally,
and partly that I might see the eastern gold-fields of the
colony. I had indeed become very tired of gold, — which
to a traveller who enjoys none of the excitement arising
from the hope of acquiring it, is but a wearisome object. I
did not desire to go down more mines, and yet I felt that I
should not be strong-minded enough to save myself from
further descents. I think I should have taken the Gipps-
land gold-fields on credit, had I not been told that the
scenery around them was peculiarly beautiful. I was
specially desired not to miss Woods Point, — which indeed
is not in Gippsland, but which could be visited from
Gippsland by any one who would trust himself among the
mountains on horseback. From Woods Point I could
return to Melbourne by a direct road, so as to avoid the dis-
agreeable task of retracing my steps over the same path.
As far as scenery was concerned, I was certainly repaid for
the labour of a somewhat laborious journey. Gippsland
is the south-eastern district of Victoria. It has I believe
lately been divided into counties, — or rather, a portion of it
has been so far civilised. It is separated from the Murray
district of Victoria by spurs of the so-called Australian Alps,
among which lie the eastern gold-fields.
We started by one of Cobb's coaches at one o'clock in
the day, and reached the little town of Rosedale in Gipps-
land at ten the next morning. Cobb's coaches have the
GIPPSLAND. 63
name of being very rough, — and more than once I have
been warned against travelling by them. They were not
fit, I was told, for an effeminate Englishman of my time of
life. The idea that Englishmen, — that is, new-chums, or
Englishmen just come from home, — are made of paste,
whereas the Australian native or thoroughly acclimatized, is
steel all through, I found to be universal. On hearing such
an opinion as to his own person, a man is bound to sacrifice
himself, and to act contrary to the advice given, even though
he perish in doing so. This journey I made and did not perish
at all; — and on arriving at Rosedale had made up my mind
that twenty hours on a Cobb's coach through the bush in
Australia does not inflict so severe a martyrdom as did in
the old days a journey of equal duration on one of the time-
famous, much-regretted old English mails. More space is
allowed you for stretching your legs on the seat, and more
time for stretching your legs at the stages. The road of
course is rough, — generally altogether unmade, — but the
roughness lends an interest to the occasion, and when the
coach is stuck in a swamp, — as happens daily, — it is pleasant
to remember that the horses do finally succeed, every day,
in pulling it out again. On this road there is a place called
the Glue Pot, extending perhaps for a furlong, as to which
the gratified traveller feels that now, at any rate, the real
perils of travel have been attained. But the horses, rolling
up to their bellies in the mud, do pull the coach through.
This happens in the darkness of night, in the thick forest, —
and the English traveller in his enthusiasm tells the coach-
man that no English whip would have looked at such a
place even by daylight. The man is gratified, lights his
pipe, and rushes headlong into the next gully.
The land between Melbourne and Gippsland, through
the county of Mornington, is very poor ; as it is also for
some distance in Gippsland itself. Then the timber be-
comes less thick and the grasses rich. When first taken up
the country was used for sheep ; — but it was not found to be
good for wool, and the sheep have now given place to
cattle. A large proportion of the beef with which Mel-
bourne is fed is fattened on the Gippsland runs. Here.
64 VICTORIA.
as throughout Victoria, all the best of the soil has been
already purchased, and is for the most part in the hand of
large owners — of men whose successors will be lords of vast
territorial properties, and not of small free-selecters or farmers.
Throughout the colony it is impossible not to see how futile
have been the efforts of legislation to prevent the accumula-
tion of large domains in the hands of successful men. It
has been thought by one ministry after another to be wise,
— or, at any rate, to be expedient, — to break up the hold-
ings of the great squatters, so that there should be no terri-
torial magnates. The law has done all that it could be
made to do, compatibly with justice, — sometimes perhaps
more than it could do with that condition, — to make the
colony a paradise for small landowners, and a purgatory for
wealthy men who should attempt to accumulate acres.
Politicians ambitious of being statesmen, who can reach
power only by the aid of universal suffrage, are prone to
look for popularity, and popularity in Victoria has much
depended on adherence to the interests of the free-selecter.
As I have said elsewhere, the interests of the small buyer
of land are entitled to warmer sympathy than those of the
would-be territorial magnates. One still dreams of a happy
land in which every man with his wife and children shall
live happily and honestly on his own acres, — owing neither
rent nor submission to any lord. It may be that this feel-
ing has been stronger with Victorian politicians than the
love of political power. It is at any rate the feeling by
which they claim to have been actuated, and they have
worked hard to carry out their theory. But the wages of
commerce and the enterprise of the intelligent have been
stronger than any bonds which statesmen or legislators
could forge. Wealth has been accumulated by a few, and
wealth has procured the land in spite of the laws. Though
cabinet ministers and land commissioners have had the
land in their hands to sell under such laws as they have
pleased to pass, though they have had a power entrusted
to them as managers and agents greater than any confided
by us to our ministers at home, though it has been declared
by politicians that there should be no land magnates in
GIPPSLAND. O5
Victoria, the rich have bought the land ; and now vast
territories are possessed by individuals which more than
rival in area — and in course of time will rival in value —
the possessions of great families at home. This is hardly
so in the United States, — is not so certainly to the same
extent. There men seek to build up wealth in the cities
rather than in the country, and prefer shares and scrip and
commercial speculation to land. Why there should be this
difference in the same race, when settled away from home
in different regions, some one some day no doubt will
tell us.
To fatten cattle is the present business of the Gippsland
squire. Cattle, no doubt, are bred there, but it seemed to
be more usual to buy them young from some other district,
and have them driven up over long distances to the Gipps-
land pastures. I do not pride myself on having a good
eye for a bullock, — but those I saw seemed to be very big
and very fat, very tame and very stupid. Why a bullock who
has a paddock of seven or eight thousand acres in which to
roam should make so little of himself as these beasts do in
Australia I cannot understand. At home I think they are
more troublesome and have higher hearts. I went out one
morning at four a.m. to see a lot drafted out of a herd for
sale. " Cutting out" is the proper name for this operation.
Two or three men on horseback, of whom I considered my-
self to be by far the most active, drove some hundreds of
them into a selected corner of the paddock called a "camp."
There was no enclosure, no hurdles, no gates, no flogging,
very little hallooing, and very little work. This camp hap-
pened to be in a corner ; but camps for cattle generally are
in the centre of the field, a bare spot, — made bare by its
repeated use for this purpose, — to which the bullocks go
when they are told, and on which they stand quietly till the
operation of cutting out is over. On the occasion on which
I was assisting, the owner himself was the " cutter out.''
He rode in among the herd, and selecting with his eye some
animal sufficiently obese for market purposes, signified to
the doomed one that he should leave the herd. There was
a stock-rider to assist him, and the stock-rider also signified
66 VICTORIA.
his intention. It seemed to be done altogether by the eye.
The beast went out and stood apart, till he was joined by a
second selected one and then by a third. On this occasion
some thirty or forty were selected,- — either as many as were
fit or as the owner desired to sell. These were at once
driven off on the way to Melbourne, and the others were
allowed to £0 back to their grazing. I had looked for
racing, and cracking of stock-whir. 5. and horses falling, and
some wild work among the forest trees. I would not know-
ingly have left my bed at four o'clock to see so tame a per-
formance. At least for half its distance the road up to
Melbourne is not fenced off from the timber, and consists
of devious forest tracts j but these tame brutes never make
their way out into the woods on the journey, as they
might do.
My friend and I bought two horses and two saddles, and
started from Rosedale on our journey to the mines. We
had met some influential gentlemen of the district — a judge,
a resident magistrate, and an inspector of police — who
were united in their assurance that if we went without
a guide we should certainly be lost in the bush. Now my
friend was a man of mark, whose loss would have been
severely felt by the colony, and for his security we were
furnished with a mounted trooper, or policeman, to show us
our way, and generally take care of us on our expedition.
We certainly needed him, and, as I believe, would have
been sleeping now in some Gippsland gully but for his
assistance. Our first day's march was to Walhalla. a mining
town of great wealth to which there is literally no roac.
Our journey was one of about forty miles j — for the latter
half of it, continuously through forests, and as continuously
up and down mountains. These were so steep that it was
often impossible to sit on horseback. As the weather was
very hot our toil was great, and I shall never forget the
welcome with which I greeted the beer-shop on the Thomp-
son River. The scenery through these mountains is magni-
ficent,— when it can be seen. But such is the continuity
and contiguity of the trees, that it becomes impossible for
miles together to see either the hill-tops or the depths of
WALHALLA. G7
the valleys. Going down to the Thompson River, and
again down into Walhalla, we found it to be impossible to
ride ; and yet we knew that immense masses of machinery
had been taken down by bullocks for die use of the miners.
We were told that very many bullocks had been destroyed
at the work. I could not have believed that there had been
such a traffic across the mountains and through the forests,
had I not afterwards seen the things at Walhalla.
At last we got to the place, very tired and very footsore,
and had bedrooms allocated to us in the hotel close to the
quartz-crushing machine, which goes on day and night eat-
ing up the rock which is dragged forth from the bowels of
the earth. The noisy monster continued his voracious meal
without cessation for a moment, so that sleep was out of the
question. To the residents of the inn the effect was simply
somniferous. Their complaint was that from twelve o'clock
on Saturday night when the monster begins to keep his
Sabbath, to twelve o'clock on Sunday night when his religious
observances are over, the air is so burdened by silence that
they can neither talk by day nor sleep by night.
The mining town which has been dignified by the name
of Walhalla lies at the bottom of a gully from which the
wooded sides rise steeply. Through it meanders a stream
which is now, of course, contaminated by the diggings and
pumpings, and gold-washing and quartz-crushing, which
have befallen the locality. Nevertheless it has a peculiar
beauty ot its own, and a picturesque interest arising in part
from the wooded hills which so closely overhang it, — but
partly also from the quaintness of a town so placed. The
buildings, consisting of banks, churches, schools, hotels,
managers' houses, and miners' cottages, lie along the stream,
or are perched up on low altitudes among the trees. There
is something like a winding street through it, which is nearly
a mile long, — though indeed it is difficult sometimes to dis-
tinguish between the river and the street ; but there is no
road to it from an)- place in the world; — and even the tracks
by which it is to be left are not easy ot discovery. We went
down to it by the "Little Joe," the Little ]oe being a hill-
side, and 1 hope 1 may never have to go down the Little Joe
68 VICTORIA.
again with a tired horse behind me. We left it by a path
as steep and so hidden that we should never have found it
without a guide. As it was, the mayor conducted us out of
Walhalla with some solemnity.
And yet in this singular place there are, or seem to be,
congregated all the necessaries and most of the luxuries of
life. There was a pianoforte in the hotel sitting-room, and
framed pictures hanging on the wall, — just as there might
be in Birmingham. And there was a billiard-table, — at
which unwashed earth-soiled diggers were playing, and play-
ing, too, very well. At what cost must the pianoforte and
the billiard-table have been brought down the mountain
track ! Nevertheless the charge for billiards was no more
than sixpence a game ; and no charge whatever was made
for the piano !
The great mine at Walhalla when I was there was the
Long Tunnel. Shares in the Long Tunnel were hardly to
be had for money; but, bought even at most exaggerated
prices, gave almost endless interest. I went down the Long
Tunnel, — and came up again. As usual I found below a
dirty grubbing world. Men were earning between £2 and
^3 a week, living hardly, — though always plenteously; and
speculating in gold with their savings. But here, as else-
where, they were courteous and kind. Their children are
all educated, and if churches and meeting-houses may be
taken as a proof of religion they are religious. I was told
that the place contained about 1,500 inhabitants. I cannot
repeat too often that I have never met more courteous men
than the gold-miners of Australia.
We stayed but one night, and then proceeded on our
journey, still taking our mounted guide, and for the first ten
miles were under the special guardianship of the mayor, — ■
who was to be looked upon, I was told, as a deputation from
the town in honour of my friend. A very pleasant fellow
we found the Mayor of Walhalla, and we parted from him in
great kindness, even though he did lose the way in the forest,
and take us, all for nothing, up and down one mountain
side. When he parted from us our trusty trooper was a
safer guide. This man was, I believe, no more than an
■\voons point, 69
onlinary policeman. The rural policemen of the colonics,
who have to pass over wide districts, are all mounted. But
thev carry themselves higher, and stand much higher
among their fellow eiti. ens. than do the men of the same
class with us. Wcare apt to separate men into two classes,
— and define each man by saving that he is or that he is not
a gentleman. This man was a private policeman. Had I
not known the fact, I should have taken him for a
gentleman. Kven as it is 1 rather think that 1 regard him
in that light, lie was a fine, powerful fellow, well mannered.
able to talk on .ill subjects, extremely courteous, — and he
amused us greatly by explaining to us why it was that a
policeman must be always more than a match for at any rate
two rogues. He was an Irishman, — of course. In the colonies
those who make money are generally Scotchmen, and those
who do not are mostly Irishmen. He had probably come
out because his family could do nothing for him at home. I
hope that he may live to be deneral-in-Chief of the Victorian
police. He took us through the mountains to an old and appa-
rently worn-out diggings called Edwards' Reef.— a miserable,
melancholy place, surrounded by interminable forests, in
which unhappy diggers had sunk holes here and there, so
that one wondered that the children did not all perish by
falling into them. But even at Fdwards Reef there was an
hotel, though 1 was at a loss to imagine by whom it could
be suppoited. It was a large wooden building, now nearly
falling to the ground ; though doubtless it had once been
ahvewiih the sound of miners' \oices in the days when there
was gold in those quarters.
l-'ioin Edwards Reef we went on to Woods Point, having
changed our policeman. It seems that the magistrates had
ordered that we should be taken in safety as tar as the latter
place. We passed another day in traversing endless forests,
and in ascending and descending ravines. Here and there,
in the densest parts of the forests, we came on the old tracks
of mineis. finding the holes which they had dug in search of
gold. How manv a heart must have been broken. — how
many a back nearly broken, among these mountains ! The
;;>ce:us and descents here were veiy steep, and on one
70 VICTORIA.
occasion we submitted to be pulled up, hanging on to our
horses' tails, — an operation which I had not seen since I
hunted, many years ago, in Carmarthenshire. On this
journey we had an adventure. At an inn among the moun-
tains,— for here and there one comes upon an inn, though
there are no roads, — we found two girls who were desirous
of going to a wedding which was to be held in a neighbour-
ing gully. Luckily, or perhaps unluckily, the mounted
mailman came up, driving two spare horses before him. So
the girls at once borrowed the horses, and the inn afforded
one side-saddle. The girl who mounted without the side-
saddle rode well, and might have reached the wedding
triumphantly ; but the other was somewhat at fault, even
with the side-saddle. She was bold enough, but had pro-
bably never been on horseback before. We had gone on
during the trouble of the saddle as there appeared to be
some bashfulness in completing the arrangement ; but
before long the poor maiden's steed was after us. He had
run away with her, and for a moment or two I thought she
must have perished among the trees,- — but as the beast
passed us he shied, and deposited his burden close at the
feet of the horse I was riding. She was shaken, for awhile
speechless, soiled, and wretched ; but before long she pro-
claimed her intention of walking to the wedding. The dis-
tance was not above six miles through the woods. The
other girl like a true friend dismounted, that she might walk
with her companion, and the mailman with his spare horses
proceeded on with us to Jericho.
Jericho was another digging town, down in a gully, at
which men were grubbing for gold, scooping out great holes
in and near the bed of the river. The great forests rose
steep on each side, and the place was grandly picturesque.
We were told that Jericho not long since had been a pros-
perous place for gold-seekers. Thence we ascended a hill
to Matlock, another gold-digging town, very high up, very
bleak, and the most wretched place I ever saw. Some one
there declared that Matlock was the highest inhabited spot
in Victoria. This was in February, a summer month ; —
but even then the cold was intense. There is no gold now
WOODS POINT. 71
at Matlock, and I could not understand what induced the
few unfortunate inhabitants to remain there. Though it is a
difficult thing to establish a town or village, it is still more
difficult to disestablish it. But Matlock will soon disestab-
lish itself under the effect of the winds of heaven. From
Matlock we descended four miles into Woods Point.
Woods Point is a gold-field of great importance, — of very-
great importance indeed in the estimation of the Woods-
Pointers. It has been very rich, and is still producing
gold in remunerating quantities. But I met nowhere gold-
seekers so wedded to gold as were the heroes of Woods
Point. I was allowed the privilege of dining with some of
the great men of the place, and I thought that I should
hardly have been permitted to leave the room alive, because
I expressed an opinion that wool was of more importance
to the colonies generally than the precious metal, which I
found to be so well loved at this place. Oh, men of Woods
Point, if ever these words should meet your ears, know how
utterly unconvinced I was by your oratory, though in argu-
ments I was unable to stand up against the fervour of your
eloquence ! At Woods Point I inspected a mine, but con-
tented myself with inspecting it from the surface. Every
opportunity, however, was given me to go below, had I
chosen to avail myself of the courtesy of my conductors.
Woods Point, like Walhalla, is a gully or ravine, — though
less singular than Walhalla, because there is a coach-road
running through it. The scenery around it is very lovely,
— so much so as to inspire a feeling of sorrow that so much
beauty should be desecrated by miners. Altogether the
beauty of the country through which we had passed, and
through which we did pass on our way back to Melbourne,
contradicted the too general assertion that Australia is desti-
tute of lovely scenery.
Three days more, Avith a pleasant rest at a friend's house
on the road, — as to which I have spoken in another
chapter, referring to the Yering wine, — brought us back to
Melbourne. On the way down we passed through a country
now well known for its enormous trees, — all gum-trees of
various sorts, or Eucalypti as they are called by the learned.
72 VICTORIA.
At the land office in Melbourne I heard tidings of one
enormous tree which had lately been discovered in this
region, prostrate over a river-bed, and of which the remain-
ing portion, — for the head had been broken off in the fall,
— measured 435 ft. in length. The gentleman by whom
this monster was found had been sent out by the commis-
sioners of lands to inspect the timber in the ranges of the
watershed of the Watts River, and a copy of his report was
published in one of the Melbourne newspapers. It is, I
believe, now admitted that the gum-trees of this district are
the highest trees yet found in the world, surpassing alto-
gether those world-famed productions of California, which
have for a while been regarded as the kings of the forest.
I believe I am right in asserting that no other measured
trunk has been found equal in length to that above recorded.
I reprint, in Appendix (No. 1), a copy of the official report
made on the subject.
At Melbourne I sold my horse and saddle for ^3 io.r.
less than I had given for them, and I thought that I had
made my journey with sufficient economy.
CHAPTER VII.
LAND.
I will now speak of the disposition of waste or crown lands
in Victoria. In doing so it will be my chief object to
explain the terms on which land can at present be bought,
or hired, from the local authorities who represent the Crown
generally in the colonies. The still unalienated lands of
Australia — by which term is included the great bulk of the
Australian continent — did belong to the British Crown till
the period at which the colonies commenced the task of
self-government. Then each colony took possession of its
own land, relieving the Crown — or in other words the tax-
payers of Great Britain — of the expense of colonial govern-
ment in return for that concession. From that time the
existing governments of the day have administered the land
as trustees for the people of the colonies in conformity, — ■
or, as some allege, not always in conformity, — with the land
laws as passed by the different colonial parliaments.
That is, I think, after a rough fashion a correct statement
of the manner in which the question of the disposition of
Australian lands has been treated. But the subject is one
full of complications, and for its thorough understanding
demands the close study of some British Acts of Parliament,
and of very many colonial land laws. I am aware of no
general British Act of Parliament regulating the sale of
waste lands in Australia, prior to that passed on June 22nd,
1842. By that Act the power of the Crown to alienate the
lands was limited, — or I might almost say abrogated. With
certain exceptions made on behalf of the public service,
74 VICTORIA.
" the Crown shall not alienate these lands, unless by way of
sale, nor unless such sales be conducted in the manner and
according to the regulations hereinafter prescribed." Pre-
viously to that date, grants had been made at the discretion
of the Crown or of the governor, and sales had been made
either by auction, or at fixed price, — generally 20^. an acre,
— in accordance with the same discretion. But long before
1842, a great interest had grown up in Australia, which,
though certainly dependent on the land, did not require its
alienation ; — which was indeed in its effects altogether
opposed to its alienation. In 1803, Captain Macarthur,
who had been employed as a soldier in New South Wales,
first proposed to the government the importation of sheep
and the growth of wool. If the government would grant
the land, then absolutely useless, he would, at his own risk,
import the sheep. Grants of land were made to Macarthur,
and his scheme was pre-eminently successful. There may
be a doubt whom we should regard as die first discoverer
of gold in Australia, but there is no doubt that we are in-
debted to Captain Macarthur for thj great staple of that
country, — for that which was its staple before men had
dreamed of Australian gold, — and for that which probably
will be its chief staple again, when gold shall have either
been worked out, or, as is more probable, shall have become
less valuable than wool. Captain Macarthur at first asked,
not for possession of land, but for "permission to occupy a
sufficient tract of unoccupied lands to feed his flocks."
Mr. William Campbell, of the Legislative Council of Vic-
toria, in an indignant protest published by him against the
legislation of his colony in regard of land, thus describes
the commencement of those pastoral leases by which
squatters first held their somewhat precarious property :
"Others," he says, "followed his" — Captain Macarthur's — "ex-
ample ; the lands were lying waste ; the government very wisely
encouraged their occupation, and licensed any free and respectable
person who desired to occupy them. Commissioners were appointed
to manage these waste lands, and the occupants voluntarily paid an
assessment to defray the commissioners' expenses, and that of the
police under their direction ; — so that their occupation might not cost
the government anything. Bvtt in the course of time, when nearly all
LAND. 75
the lands within a penetrable distance were occupied, great evils were
experienced from the arbitrary acts of these functionaries, who assumed
great power in defining the extent of runs by lessening one run in order
to enlarge another. They were accused of receiving bribes, and of
acting very unfairly between man and man. The occupants were
powerless against the government, as they had only an annual licence.
They could not be otherwise than dissatisfied. They required a better
tenure to secure them against the irresponsible acts of an arbitrary
governor and his needy subordinates. They agitated their grievances,
and ultimately obtained an equitable title to a lease upon definite terms,
— with a preferable right to purchase at a fair value. They obtained
that title through an Act of Parliament,"' — an act, that is, of the
Imperial Parliament, — ■" and an Order of Her Majesty in Council.
They were grateful for that boon granted to them, and were encouraged
to improve their property under the fullest confidence that the promise
of the Queen under the sanction of the Imperial Parliament would be
held sacred. In this, however, they have been much disappointed ; as
her Majesty's representative in Victoria violated that promise, by
refusing to give the occupant of crown lands the stipulated pre-emptive
right, and otherwise illegally disposed of such lands to their prejudice."
The work from which I quote was published as long ago
as 1855, at which time Mr. Campbell represented very
accurately the state of the Australian squatter's mind.
That mind has been in no degree altered since. As Mr.
Campbell and the squatters felt then, Mr. Campbell and the
squatters feel now. In the above passage Mr. Campbell
speaks of the squatting interest of the Australian continent
generally. When the Order in Council above referred to
was made, both Victoria and Queensland — under the names
of Port Phillip and Moreton Bay — were parts of the great
colony of New South Wales, and the order, therefore, was
supposed to govern the pastoral interest of the whole terri-
tory now comprised in these three colonies. But the edge
of Mr. Campbell's sword is specially sharpened against Mr.
La Trobe, the first governor of Victoria, who was thought
by him to have violated that Order in Council on behalf of
the small farmers or free-selecters ; and the swords of the
Victorian squatters generally have been sharpened against
the Victorian legislatures since Mr. La Trobe's days on the
same ground, — under a biting, burning, overwhelming con-
viction, not only that their interests, but also that their
rights, have been sacrificed to a thirst for popularity. As
76 VICTORIA.
Mr. La Trobe was supposed, by the squatters, to have been
unjust in order that he might propitiate the growing num-
bers of the agricultural interest as opposed to the pastoral
interest, so succeeding legislators and succeeding cabinets
have been supposed to be unjust in order that they might
obtain the votes of the people. Indignation is the general
tone of the Australian squatter's mind, and especially of
the Victorian squatter's mind ; — indignation such as glowed
in the bosom of the old Duke of Newcastle when he asked
whether he might not do as he liked with his own ; that
indignation which the aristocrat feels all the world over
when he dreads that his heels will be wounded by the
clouted toe of the aggressive peasant. In the old country
men are reticent, and the indignation is expressed only
among peers in fortune and in misfortune. When doors
are closed, and the claret circulates, and all the company
are azure blue, men lapped in luxury, and so secure in their
possessions that they are content to hold them though
giving but two per cent, for their capital, mourn together
painfully, and with feigned horrors speculate on the coming
of an imaginary chaos. Among the squatters of Australia
the spirit of the men is the same, but the lamentations are
loud and public. In both countries they who lament are
the rich ones of the earth. In both countries real wealth has
made itself secure, having the power which wealth always
possesses of fortifying itself against aggression ; and in both
cases the basis of that wealth is the possession of land.
Mr. Campbell, I think, makes out his case, — as I intend
to endeavour to explain. He and the other squatters were
unjustly used; — were illegally deprived of their rights, I
would say, were it not that the deprivation was effected by
law. I conceive it to be impossible to examine the matter
without coming to the conclusion that the squatters, at any
rate in Victoria, were barred by the colonial government
and colonial legislature from entering in upon certain privi-
leges promised to them by a British Order in Council
founded on an Act of the British Parliament, — in full confi-
dence upon which promises they had expended their energies
and their money. But a man may be defrauded of a por-
LAND. 77
tion of his gains and still have so much left to him as to
induce an outside observer to think that the country in
■which he lias been able to accumulate so much so quickly,
and to conserve so vast a proportion of what he has accumu-
lated, has been a blessed country to him. Such I conceive
to be the condition of the Victorian squatter, — of the man
who was a squatter but is now a huge territorial landowner.
He has been injured. But he has been too great to be much
affected by such injury ; and in spite of governors, in spite of
laws, in spite of would-be-popular cabinet ministers and tribes
of voters, he rides triumphant on the top of the tide.
I have alluded to the law of 1842, passed by the British
Parliament in reference to Australian lands, as barring the
power of the Crown to give away the crown lands at its
pleasure, or to sell them except in accordance with certain
fixed rules. I have also alluded to a further Act of the
Imperial Parliament and to an Order in Council founded
upon it, as being the basis on which the Australian squatters
generally, and especially those of Victoria, rested for that
security which they think has been denied to them. This
Act bears date 28th August, 1846, the Order in Council
9th March, 1847, — and they provide especially for the lease
of lands in New South Wales. They state the terms on
which squatters will be allowed to run their flocks on the
public unalienated lands in that colony, which then included
both the Victoria and the Queensland of the present day.
This Order, which had and has all the strength of an Act
of Parliament, having been issued in conformity with the
express injunctions of an Act of Parliament, divides the
public lands into three classes — a settled district, an inter-
mediate district, and an unsettled district, and it describes,
as accurately as it can do, by the names of towns, counties,
and rivers, the boundaries of each. Our concern at present
is with the unsettled districts, over which, more extensively
from year to year, the Australian wool-growers run their
flocks of sheep. The settled districts consisted chiefly of
lands lying contiguous to towns or townships, and did not
much concern the squatter. The intermediate districts were
wider, and did concern the squatter, — but as to them he
78 Victoria.
makes no complaint. The Order in Council enacted that
in using such land he should practically have no more
than one year's tenure. If he chose to occupy such land
with his sheep, — and these lands were so occupied almost
exclusively, — he did so with the knowledge that any portion
of them might be thrown open to sale at a year's notice.
They were thrown open for sale, and have been purchased,
chiefly by the squatters themselves. In regard to the
unsettled districts it stipulates that the squatters shall have
a lease of fourteen years, that they shall pay a rental calcu-
lated at the rate of J~2 10s. per thousand sheep for such a
number as the run may by survey be computed to be able
to carry, that during their leases and at the end of their
leases they shall have a " pre-emptive " right of purchase at
some price not less than 20s. an acre, and that " during the
continuance of any lease of lands occupied as a run, the
same shall not be open to purchase by any other person or
persons except the lessee thereof." The governor, however,
has reserved to him the power of selling or otherwise dispos-
ing of any special portion of land, the sale of which, or alie-
nation of which by other means, may be required for the
public good. It can be sold, for instance, if wanted for a
village, for a railway, for a church or school, for a mine,
" or for any other purpose of public defence, safety, utility,
convenience, or enjoyment, or for otherwise facilitating the
improvement and settlement of the colony." " Hinc ilia?
lachrymal" These words are very wide, — and from the
extreme latitude given to them, or rather imposed on them,
by governors, colonial cabinet ministers, and legislators have
come the wailings and moanings of which Mr. Campbell
eighteen years since was the eloquent expositor, and which
are still heard at large through the colony.
I think that no man of common sense, who understands
the ordinary meaning of words, can doubt that the Order in
Council intended to defend the lands leased to the squatters
from all sale except when special plots were required for
special purposes. It was not intended that the land should
be thrown open to sale generally, in order that the improve-
ment and settlement of the colony might be facilitated by
LAND. 1g
such proceeding. If so, why all these words ? If so, why
defend the squatters at all from the aggression of purchasers
by a special Act of Parliament and a special Order in
Council? The Act of 1846, and the Order in Council
founded on it, may have been injudicious in conferring privi-
leges with too open a hand upon the squatters. I think
myself that such was the case. But the favours were con-
ferred ; and in any further operations either of the imperial
or colonial parliaments the rights so given should have been
regarded as far as the vested interests of the existing holders
were concerned. It was surely a quibble to say that any
governor, — as long as the governors were the responsible
agents, — or any land minister when ministers were respon-
sible,— could sell these lands without doing violence to the
Order in Council, because they were empowered to do so by
the clause in reference to the improvement and settlement
of the colony.
But this was done. The lands were put up to sale,
because, as was asserted, townships would be beneficial, and
it was expedient that there should be land to be had for
agricultural purposes in the neighbourhood of townships.
My sympathies are all on behalf of the townships and the
agricultural lands. But a bargain is a bargain, and a law is
a law ; and one's sense of justice is offended by any escape
from a bargain or from a law by a verbal quibble. The
nature of the quibble, and the ease with which an Act of
Parliament may be thrown open to a coach and horses, is
made ludicrously apparent by a legal opinion which the
squatters got from our side of the water. They were much
enraged, and determined to defend themselves, if there could
be any defence, in the courts of law. So they sent home
for an opinion to no less a person and no less a lawyer than
our late Lord Chancellor, who was then Mr. Roundell
Palmer. Probably the opinion of no English lawyer on
such a subject would carry more confidence than his. Mr.
Palmer's opinion was as follows : —
"I am of opinion that Mr. Forlonge " — Mr. Forlonge's case having
been that which was chosen for reference — "has a clear and indisput-
able right to the leases ; but inasmuch as they are to be granted by the
So VICTORIA.
authority of the governor, who represents the Crown, and no form of
judicial proceeding against the governor is provided by the Act of
Parliament, or the regulations, I do not think lie has a specific remedy
to compel the execution of such leases. At present, however, he has a
complete equitable title, which the courts of justice in the colony would,
I conceive, be bound and authorised to recognise, and to protest
against any illegal encroachments, whether by the executive govern-
ment or by private persons.
" I am clearly of opinion that neither of the sections referred to gives
the governor power to withdraw any part of the runs in question — ■
assuming, as I do, that no forfeiture has taken place- — for the purposes
of sale to private persons.
"I think Mr. Forlonge will be entitled to the right of pre-emption
under sixth section.
"There is no course open for Mr. Forlonge, that I am aware of, ex-
cept to appeal to the courts of justice in case of any illegal disturbance
of his possessions.
"Roundell Palmer.
" Lincoln's Inn, 26(h July, 1853."
From this I think it will be manifest that, though Mr.
Palmer held a strong opinion on Mr. Forlonge's rights, he
was very far from being assured of Mr. Forlonge's power to
enforce those rights. There can be no doubt of Mr. For-
longe's rights, and as little that he was not able to enforce
them.
Mr. Campbell quotes with evident glee another opinion
equally in his favour, and that from an enemy, — and, as it
happens, from a person almost as great in the world as our
late Lord Chancellor, namely, from our late Chancellor of
the Exchequer. But he appeals to Mr. Lowe as to an
enemy, and shows what evidence he can adduce to support
his own views even from a foe. Mr. Lowe, when a colonist,
was supposed to be inimical to the views of the squatters,
and disapproved of the passing of the Act of 1846 and the
Order in Council founded upon it. From an address which
he made in 1847, Mr. Campbell quotes the following pas-
sage : — " Once grant these leases, and beyond the settled
districts there will be no land to be sold. The lessees will
have a right to hold these lands till some one will give £i
an acre lor them. These leases cannot be sold, mortgaged,
or sublet. Be the capabilities of these lands what they may,
they are to be sheep-walks for ever." It was clearly Mr.
LAND. Ci
Lowe's opinion, when he spoke those words, that the
squatters would be protected by the Order in Council against
disturbance from purchasers, and that they would enjoy the
right of pre-emption themselves if that Order were made.
But the opinions held by Mr. Lowe as a politician, and
expressed by Mr. Rounded Palmer as a lawyer, have been
of no avail. The Order in Council was disregarded, and
the free-selecters were let in upon the lands of the squatters.
I doubt much whether it will now be worth the while of
any ordinary English reader to trouble himself with these
matters. The chief of the lands of Victoria have settled
themselves down into the hands of undoubted owners, — and
as to what remains, the present law, though it may be
arbitrary, is clear. Mr. Campbell and his associate squatters
cannot now gain anything, and are as little likely to lose
anything, by the future doings of the colonial legislature.
Lord Selborne's opinion and Mr. Lowe's oratory are equally
inefficacious. The thing is a thing completed. But it is
impossible to understand the completion without looking
back to the manner in which it was accomplished. In the
Australian colonies there is growing up a rich landed aris-
tocracy, already surrounding itself with all the feelings which
attach to land in the old country. Captain Macarthur, with
his first importation of sheep, might be said to be the creator
of this condition of things, were it not that it is a condition
peculiarly conformable to the English mind in general, so
that it was in truth created to hand before Captain Macar-
thur ever owned a sheep. It is clear that such feelings
would be fostered and brought into prominence by a pas-
toral and therefore patriarchal life. Squatter added himself
to squatter, often suffering much, sometimes going quite to
the wall, struggling frequently with untoward circumstances,
— with insufficient capital, with clever and greedy merchants,
with insolent servants, with unforeseen causes of decay
among his flocks, — sometimes with ill-conduct, idleness,
profligacy, and extravagance on his own part ; but his lot,
on the whole, was a blessed lot, and he prospered marvel-
lously. For a while it did seem as though the whole
country would fall into his hands, and that the people of
G
82 VICTORIA.
Australia would consist of squatters and their servants.
Very much has been said, and is repeated from day to day,
of what is due to the squatters as the pioneers of Australian
civilisation. I do not think very much of the claim. When
a man encounters danger manifestly for the sake of others,
— that knowledge may grow and science progress, and the
world be opened to new-comers, as did such men as Colum-
bus and Cook, as many Australian explorers did, as Living-
stone was doing till he died the other day in the doing of it,
■ — he is entitled to public recognition and honour. But he
can hardly with justice put forward the same claim because
he seeks fortune for himself in stormy paths. He probably
counts his chances, and, seeing personal security with ten
per cent, at home, with forty per cent, and not improbable
annihilation at the hands of a savage at the Antipodes,
chooses forty per cent, and the Antipodes with his eyes
open. I admire his courage, and applaud his decision.
But I cannot admit his claim as a great public benefactor,
because he has thriven and others have followed him. He
has his reward. It is the reward which honest, energetic
men should seek. But I have heard the Australian squatter,
when discussing these matters, continually assert that he and
his interests should be especially regarded, because he has
been the pioneer of the country. He has been the pioneer
of his own fortune ; and I have been rejoiced to find how
often that fortune has been noble and even princely.
The Order in Council, of which I have spoken, was clearly
made in the interests of the squatters, and was therefore, of
course, objectionable to the anti-squatting interests. In my
own opinion it was not judicious. If followed to the letter
it would, as Mr. Lowe said, have barred the land against
new-comers, and have perpetuated wool-growing upon soil
adapted for purposes more beneficial to mankind at large.
I do not think that there was any just claim at the time on
the part of the squatters to such favours as were conferred
upon them. The first object of the mother country, or of
those to whose hands were confided for the time the duty of
legislating for the colonies, was to prepare homes for the
increasing hordes of colonists. The wool-growers had spread
LAND. 83
themselves over lands which did not belong to them, and
which they occupied — no doubt with proper sanction — as
waste lands. Three acres to a sheep, which sheep would
produce annually about 5s. worth of wool, may be taken as
a fair statement of the condition of their affairs. As long as
land could be converted to no better purpose it was well
that it should serve this purpose. As far as we can see at
present, a very large proportion of the lands of Australia can
be made to serve no better purpose. It is doubtless a fact
that Australia first grew to prosperity by means of wool. At
the present moment, in the very midst of the pride which
she feels in her gold-fields, I put more confidence in her
wool than I do in her gold. I look upon the wool-growers
of Australia as her aristocracy, her gentry, her strong men,
her backbone. But, in managing the affairs of this world,
I do not like the theory of giving to those who have got
much, and taking away from those who have got nothing. If
in 1847 the general welfare of the colonists demanded that the
lands of the colony should be thrown open to general sale,
there was certainly nothing specially due to the squatters
which should have interfered with such a policy.
It must be remembered that a system of leases to the
squatters was quite compatible with a system of free-selec-
tion and open sale, that such a combination is now the law,
with various modified circumstances, in the different Aus-
tralian colonies, and that under it the squatters have grown
rich and thriven, — unless when shut out from success by other
circumstances, such as want of capital. The free-selecter
will not select land serviceable only ior pastoral purposes,
or will ruin himself at once if he do so. He selects patches
of land, and leaves the wild boundless prairies to the squatter.
No doubt in Victoria the land has been bought up very much
more extensively than in the other colonies ; but the history
of these sales proves two points, both of which militate against
the squatter's plaintive view of the matter. It shows that very
much of the land was fit for higher than pastoral purposes,
and that therefore the adapting of it to such higher purposes
was proper. And it shows also that the prosperity of the
squatters had not been seriously damaged, as they them-
84 VICTORIA.
selves have been the great purchasers of land from one end
of the colony to the other.
The Act of Parliament of 1846, and the Order in Council
of the following year, were surely issued in a spirit of
unnecessary tenderness for the squatter. The result of this
tenderness was disobedience to their spirit. The colony of
Victoria, whether by its governor or subsequently by its
own parliament, upset the Order in Council. Our great
English lawyer declared very plainly the strength of Mr.
Forlonge's undoubted legal rights. But Mr. Forlonge and
his brethren did not get their legal rights. They only got
what should have been their rights. That such a course lias
in the long run been greatly for the advantage of the squat-
ters will hardly be doubted by a looker-on from a distance.
No' law can render permanent injustice endurable to a com-
munity. As it is the squatters hold their own, and can hold
it with a tight hand. The public feeling that if thay have
had some favour shown them they have also had some dis-
favour, gives them strength. Nothing ruins so surely as
uninterrupted and partial privileges. Nothing strengthens
so healthily as bearable wrongs. The Victorian squatter has
suffered no more than parental scourges.
But indeed the Victorian squatter has almost ceased to
exist, — for the squatter, properly so called, is he who runs
his flocks upon crown lands. The Victorian wool-grower
has generally purchased his run and owns it in fee, — as does
also the Victorian grazier, who is as great a man as the wool-
grower. Were I to attempt to describe the manner in
which the lands of the colony have been purchased, I might
devote a volume to the subject, and years to the study of it
before I could write the volume. It seems to have been
the object of the legislature to prevent the absorption of
large tracts of land by great capitalists, and to create a
yeomanry possessing freeholds. The result has been directly
opposite to the intended purpose. The yeomanry, such as
it is, can hardly as yet be regarded as a prosperous people.
Their lands pass frequently from hand to hand. But, on
the other hand, a strong race of territorial magnates has
created itself, so wealthy and so extensive that the political
LAND. 85
power of the country is inefficacious against them. Laws
have been passed with the express intention of keeping the
lands out of the squatters' hands. Nevertheless the squat-
ters have bought the lands. There have been subterfuges,
chicanery, bribery, the driving of many coaches through many
Acts of Parliament. The squatters no doubt have been
subjected to cruel ill-usage by a tribe of land-sharks. Men
have lived and made fortunes by threatening to bid for land
against the squatters, unless paid exorbitantly for bidding on
their behalf. The poor squatters have bled at all pores. But
they have had the blood to give, and now they own the land.
I have said that the lands of Victoria have been for the
most part sold. This, no doubt, is the case in regard to the
colony at large, and the traveller as he travels through the
better-known and better-cultivated parts of it, — especially
those western regions which were at one time called Aus-
tralia Felix, — will find that he passes from one property to
another, much in the same fashion as he will do at home.
But Victoria is a large place, and there is still very much
land open for purchase from the government. The existing
law under which land can be bought is as follows : —
The intending purchaser, having selected his block of land,
which must not exceed half a square mile, or 320 acres,
applies for a licence to occupy it for three years as a tenant
at a rent of 2s. an acre. The law states that this licence,
may be granted by the governor, but in fact the power rests
with a member of the cabinet, who is called the Commissioner
of Lands. One half-year's rent must be paid in advance, and
for the three years he continues to pay at the rate of 2.5-. an
acre. At the end of the three years, provided the selecter
shall then have fenced his land and have cultivated one-
tenth of it, he can become the freeholder by paying 14J. an
acre down, or he can continue to pay a rental for seven
years at the rate of 2s. an acre, at the end of which time the
land will be his. He thus, in fact, pays a rental of 2s. an
acre for ten years, and then becomes the owner of the land
without further purchase-money. The terms are very easy,
and it is certain that there is still land to be bought in
Victoria on those terms., which is worth much more than
86 VICTORIA.
the money required for it. But there are two difficulties in
the way of the free-selecter ; — he may not know how to
choose his land, and, when he has made his choice, his
application may be unsuccessful.
That many men choose amiss in this colony and others
is too true. They are in a hurry for possession. They do
not know the circumstances of the country or district which
affect the land, — such as the prevalence of drought, the
prevalence of rust in the wheat, the difficulty of finding a
market, the cost of labour, and the like. They have no
friend capable of giving counsel, or, more probably, they
have a friend who has some interest of his own in the
transaction . One's heart bleeds at hearing of the unfortunate
purchases sometimes made by new-comers, and one thinks
of Cairo and Martin Chuzzlewit. As to that want of suc-
cess in the application, I feel that I tread on somewhat
delicate ground in alluding to it. One supposes naturally
that if the applicant comply with all the required stipula-
tions and have his money in his hands, he will be successful
as a matter of course. AVhy not ? And if he be not so, on
what ground and in whose bosom shall rest the decision of
granting this application and refusing that ? I must say
that if there be no other ground than that of fitness, — if
nothing else than the character and means of the applicant
be considered in granting and refusing these applications, —
the minister of the day who happens to be Commissioner of
Lands is at the same time the best and the worst abused
man in the colony. It is asserted everywhere that the sales
of land are effected with direct reference to political sup-
port, and that it would be impossible for a land minister to
carry on his work in the colony on any other basis. This
system of political corruption, of using the patronage and
discretion of the government to bolster up the power of the
government, from which we are only now emerging at home,
is in truth so rampant in Victoria that honest men,- — in no
wise concerned in the matter, but who have become used
to it by daily observation, — have learned to think that it is
a necessary part of government. Remembering how offices
in England were given away in my own time, how some
LAND. 87
are given still, solely on the score of political subserviency,
I do not feel justified in expressing great indignation at this
practice in the colonies. It will doubtless pass away. But
the wrongful exercise of patronage in a young colony is a
much smaller fault than an unjust political manipulation
in the distribution of public lands.
It is especially stipulated by the Victorian land law that
no one person, either in his own name or that of another,
shall select and purchase above 320 acres, — the object
being to prevent the accumulation of large landed estates.
But the clause has been constantly set at nought. If I buy
one section for myself, and nine other adjacent sections
through the friendly assistance of nine " dummies," as they
are called, how can a land commissioner, with a whole
colony on his hands, discern the fraud ? And if I be true
to the party which have put him into office, why should he
wish to discern it ? Without a doubt the squatters them-
selves, who are loud against the lawlessness of Victorian
legislation, have been the most constant in evading the
laws. Their success makes it impossible for the stranger to
condole with their wrongs. i\t the end of this volume, as
an appendix, will be found a digest of the present land laws
of Victoria, as far as they refer to free-selection. This
digest is taken from MacPhaile's Australian Squatting
Directory.
They who are still really squatters in Victoria, — who run
their sheep on public lands, and not on their own, — now
pay a pastoral rent of 8d. a sheep, or ^33 6s. 8d. per thou-
sand. The old rental as fixed by the Order in Council in 1847
Avas £2 10s. per thousand. The rental at present paid is
four times higher than that collected in either of the other
Australian colonies. But the bulk of the Victorian wool is
grown by men who own the land which produces it.
I found that the system of landlord and tenant — with
which we are so familiar at home as almost to have con-
ceived the idea that land cannot be occupied on any other
system — does prevail in certain parts of Victoria. I visited
a district in which large wheat farms were held by tenants,
and I was told of rents varying from 5s. to i$s. an acre.
88 VICTORIA.
But it did not appear that the tenant-farmers were a pros-
perous class, or that the letting of land was popular among
landowners. In some instances a whole property is let with
the stock upon it, and I have heard of as much as ;£ 10,000
a year being paid for a sheep-run with the use of the sheep
on it ; but in speaking of the letting of land of course I do
not allude to such cases as this. The small tenant-farmer
in the colonies is seldom a man of means. Did he possess
capital he would buy his farm. Not possessing capital he
cannot pay his rent when bad years come ; — and it almost
seemed that, as far as the produce of wheat went, bad years
were as common as good years in Victoria. The ground
produced enormously, — with most generous vigour, I must
say, considering how little is restored to it. But the climate
is uncertain, and the disease called the rust is pernicious.
One gentleman, who owned a large tract of corn-bearing
land, assured me that he much preferred selling portions of
his property, even though the purchase-money were left on
mortgage, to accepting a promise of yearly rent for the use
of his land.
I have said that the public lands are alienated in fee for a
rental of 2s. an acre for ten years, and that tenant-farmers
pay rents varying from $s. to 15J. an acre, — the payment of
which for any number of years gives, of course, no title to
possession. It is presumed that the reader will understand
that the public, or crown, lands spoken of are uncultivated,
unfenced, and probably covered with timber. The farm
lands let for the higher rentals named have been brought
into cultivation, have been farmed, and are supposed to be
capable of bearing corn.
CHAPTER VIII.
LADIES AND GENTLEMEN.
A writer attempting to describe England, and capable of.
doing so, would fill those chapters with the strongest interest
in which he painted the various forms of English country-
lire. He would know, and he would teach his readers, that
the English character, with its faults and virtues, its pre-
judices and steadfastness, can be better studied in the
mansions of noblemen, in country-houses, in parsonages, in
farms, and small meaningless towns, than in the great cities,
devoted as is London to politics and gaiety, or as are
Glasgow, Manchester, Birmingham, and others like them, to
manufactures and commerce. I doubt whether this be so
in any other country. France has many aspects, but the
Parisian aspect is more French than any other. Italy is to
be seen only in her cities. In the United States the towns
altogether overrule and subdue the country, so that the
traveller who visits America under the most favourable cir-
cumstances rarely sees aught of her corn-fields and pastures,
except in passing from one great centre of population to
another. But the visitors to England who have not
sojourned at a country-house, whether it be squire's, par-
son's, or farmer's, have not seen the most English phase of
the country.
The same form and fashion of life is repeating itself in the
Australian colonies. The race of farmers, such as are our
own well-to-do farmers at home, does not, indeed, exist. The
clergy are scattered at long distances, and hardly as yet form
a distinctive social class, — probably never will do so as they
90 VICTORIA.
do in England, and in England only. But the country
gentlemen, almost all of whom were originally squatters,
have fixed their homes about the colony, and have built
their houses, — not exactly after the English fashion in regard
to architecture, because the climate is of a different nature,
■ — but with the English appurtenances of substantial comfort,
with many rooms, with gardens, outhouses, and lawns, and
with sweeping roads leading through timbered parks to the
retired abode of the rural magistrate who owns the property.
The visitor to Australia, who goes there under favourable
auspices, will as surely find himself pressed to make his
home at such country houses, as will the stranger in the
United States be asked to enjoy the luxurious hospitality of
her rich citizens, either in city mansions or in suburban
villas. And such a one, if he have time on his hands, and
can dally with weeks in idleness, may pass from station to
station, — from one gentleman's house to another, — till he
will hardly know who has sent him on, or on what ground
he bases his claim to the hospitality of his new friends.
There is perhaps more of this in Victoria than in the
other colonies, because the country gentlemen have more
thoroughly established their fortunes there than elsewhere ;
but the same feeling prevails throughout Australia, and the
same mode of life. They who rise to the top of the tree, — or,
in other words, the gentry, if I may use a phrase which is
somewhat invidious, but which will be better understood
than any other, — seek to establish country houses for them-
selves ; and homesteads of this class have sprung up with
incredible rapidity. Nothing, I think, so clearly declares
the wealth of the colony — which is not yet forty years old —
as the solidity of her country life. When the stranger asks
whence came these country gentlemen, whom he sees occa-
sionally at the clubs and dinner-tables in Melbourne, exactly
as he finds those in England up in London during the winter
frosts, or in the month of May, he is invariably told that they
or their fathers made their own fortunes. This man and
that and the other came over perhaps from Tasmania, in the
early days, joint owners of a small flock of sheep. They
generally claim to have suffered every adversity with which
LADIES AND GENTLEMEN.
91
Providence and unjust legislators could inflict a wretched
victim ; and, as the result, each owns so many thousand
horned cattle, so many tens of thousand sheep, so many
square miles of country, and so many thousands a year.
Most of them have, I think, originally come out of Scotland.
When you hear an absent acquaintance spoken of as "Mac,"
you will not at all know who is meant, but you may safely
conclude that it is some prosperous individual. Some were
butchers, drovers, or shepherds themselves but a few years
since. But they now form an established aristocracy, with
very conservative feelings, and are quickly becoming as firm
a country party as that which is formed by our squirearchy
at home.
I have spoken of country life in New South Wales
without reserve, because the small establishment which I
described belongs to my own son. In Victoria I visited
many houses of infinitely greater pretension, but I fear to
speak of any one in particular lest I should commit that
great sin, — not always avoided as scrupulously as it should
be by travelling authors, — of putting some kind host into a
book, with his wife, family, kitchen and cellars. And yet,
if it be possible, I would fain let English readers know what
these houses are, and of what nature is the life contained in
them. They are generally less remote from towns than are
the habitations of squatters in the other colonies, — the towns
being more numerous, and the roads more formed. The
buildings themselves are generally of two stories, — always
having the tropical addition of a verandah, but not erected
in that straggling, many-roofed, one-storied fashion which is
common to tropical and semi-tropical countries. I like
those straggling many-roofed nests of cottages which are
common in Queensland and New South Wales. They
betoken a gradually increasing prosperity. The squatter
builds first a wooden hut which ultimately becomes his
kitchen, then a wooden sitting-room and bedroom near to
it ; then a bigger sitting-room with two small bedrooms, still
of wood, — and so on. But when he has realised to himself
the fact that he is a rich man he rushes into brick and
mortar or stone, and erects a European country house, —
Q2 VICTORIA.
with the addition of a wide verandah. This has been done
now very generally by the landowners of Victoria. But still
the place has rarely all the finished comfort, the easy grace,
coming from long habit, which belong to our country seats
at home. There is a roughness and a heaviness about it, a
want of completion about the gardens, of neatness about the
paths, and of close-shorn trimness about the plots and lawns,
which strikes the beholder at once, and declares that though
the likeness be there, it exists with a difference.
This difference is caused chiefly by the clearness of
labour, a fact which influences not only the outside of the
Victorian gentleman's house, but also every part of his
establishment. Let his means be what they may. he never
has the retinue of servants which is to be found in an
ordinary English household. The high rate of wages and
the difficulty of getting persons to accept these high rates
for any considerable number of months together, cause even
the wealthy to dispense with much of that attendance which
is often considered indispensable at home even among
families that are not wealthy. On the other hand, certain
luxuries are common among Australian families, which few
among us can enjoy without stint. He who has a carriage
and horses at home is supposed to be a rich man. If a
gentleman have daughters fond of riding, he will perhaps
have one horse for two girls. Young men can hardly hunt
unless their fathers be wealthy. But horses on an Australian
station are as common as blackberries on English hedges,
and the possession of a carriage and pair of horses is as
much a matter of course as the possession of a pair of boots.
But horses are cheap and servants are dear in Victoria.
I have spoken of sweeping roads through timbered parks.
It must not, however, be conceived that I speak of parks
such as those which are the glory of our English magnates.
The Australian park is hitherto much as nature fashioned it.
The trees are the gum-trees which the present resident or
his father found there when he first drove his sheep on the
pastures which had never yet known the foot of a white
man. The grasses round his house he may gradually have
changed, and have extirpated those indigenous to the soil
LADIES AND GENTLEMEN. 93
by the use of English seeds. The road will probably be
somewhat rough, and the fences which divide the paddocks
still rougher. He is now a rich man, but he is rich because
in all his expenditure he has thought more of a return for
his capital than of the adornment of his place. He calls his
park a paddock, and he has thought only of the welfare of
his stock. But, nevertheless, there is that beauty about it
which trees and grass, with the sky above them, always
produce. And the territory is large and spacious, and all
the magnificence of ownership is there. The man drives
for miles through his own land. He has fortified himself
on all sides against free-selecters. All those who frequent
the place are his servants or his guests, and of every stranger
whom he may see within miles of his house he is entitled to
ask why he is there. He exercises a wide hospitality to the
poor and the rich, and he is an aristocrat.
I imagine that the life of the Victorian landowner is very
much as was that of the English country gentleman a cen-
tury or a century and a half ago. In those days roads in
England were very bad, so that it was a work of trouble to
get from one house to another, a distance of twenty miles.
Country houses of pretension were not numerous as they
are now, and they who owned the halls and granges scat-
tered through the counties rarely moved from their homes.
There was great plenty, but of that finished luxury which is
now as common in the country as in the capital, there was
but little. Roast beef — or in winter powdered beef — and
October ale were the fare. The men were fond of sport,
but they did not go far afield for it as they do now, hunting
in the shires, shooting on the moors, and fishing on all lakes
and rivers. They shot over their own lands, and hunted
over their own land and that of a few neighbours who would
join them. The ladies stayed at home and looked after the
house, and much that is now trusted to domestics and
stewards was done by the mistress and her daughters, or by
the master and his sons. The owners of these country
houses were Tories, aristocrats, proud gentlemen ; but
they were not fine gentlemen, nor, for the most part, were
they gentlemen of fine tastes in art or literature. We know
04 VICTORIA.
them very well from plays and novels, — and know something
of them too from history, as history has of late been written.
The ladies' dresses, the books, the equipages, the wines, the
kitchens, which are now found in English country houses,
were in those days known only in the metropolis, or at the
castle of some almost royal nobleman. As were country
houses and country life then in England, plentiful, proud,
prejudiced, given to hospitality, impatient of contradiction,
not highly lettered, healthy, industrious, careful of the main
chance, thoughtful of the future, and, above all, conscious —
perhaps a little too conscious — of their own importance, so
now is the house and so is the life of the country gentleman
in Australia. And as Justice Shallow in times still farther
distant was ever anxious as to the price of a good yoke of
bullocks or a score of ewes, so does the Australian country
gentleman never omit his solicitude concerning those things
which have made him what he is. The value of beef in the
Melbourne market, and of wool at London, are continually
in his thoughts, and as continually on his tongue, even
though he may have reached that stage of prosperity which
cannot be much affected by the transient rise or fail of
prices. He has not at any rate reached that condition, — be
it good or bad, — which enables the English country gentle-
man to drop all outward show of solicitude for the trade in
which he is embarked, the trade namely of living upon his
land, and to pursue the unruffled tenor of his way as though
all good things came to him and were sure to come to him
like manna from heaven. The Victorian woohgrower or
grazier will be sure to tell you, if you visit him in his own
home, what has been his produce of wool, and what prices
he has realised for it, — and will take you to his washpool, if
he wash his sheep before shearing, and to his wool-shed ; or
he will show you his Durhams and Herefords, and boast
how he has led the markets. Out of the full heart the
mouth speaks. He has made himself what he is by his
sheep and his oxen, and the sheep and the oxen are still dear
to him. His grandson or great-grandson will probably be as
outwardly indifferent as an English country gentleman, who
is no more given to talk of his rents than a banker is of his
LADIES AND GENTLEMEN. 95
profits, and who is concerned wholly, perhaps with his
hounds, perhaps with his library, perhaps with his politics,
or perhaps with his cook.
Out-of-door sports do not form so prominent a part of
country life in the colonies us they do at home, partly
because there are not so many idle men, and partly because
there has not been as yet so great an expenditure of money
with the view of creating sport. As years pass on both
these causes will vanish. The idle men will be forthcoming,
and game, brought from England, Scotland, and Ireland,
will be naturalised in the country. Hares in Victoria will
be, I hope, not quite so plentiful as rabbits. There are
deer already in the country, and they will soon abound with
that prolific increase which seems to attend all animals
brought from the old country to these colonies. Duck-
shooting is much practised, and ducks abound. Pheasants
are already more common in parts of New Zealand than in
England, though not so plentiful, and will probably become
equally common in Tasmania and Victoria. I despair,
however, of fox-hunting. I think it improbable that that
most anomalous, most irrational, most exciting, most de-
lightful, and most beneficent sport should thrive elsewhere
on the world's surface than in the British Isles. None but
the British and Irish farmer will bear the invasion of a
troop of horsemen. None but the British or Irish sportsman
can have that tenderness in preserving and that stern perse-
verance in killing a little vermin, which fox-hunting re-
quires. None but a British or an Irish gentleman can
expend thousands in furnishing amusement for an entire
county.
The fault of a country home in the Australian colonies is
that it furnishes but little employment, and that its ordinary
life seems to be antagonistic to industry, at any rate on the
part of the visitor. The master of the house is or is not
the working manager of his property. If he be so, his
time is fully occupied. He is on horseback before break-
fast, and seems never to slacken his labours till the evening
dews have long fallen. The exclusive care of a large flock
of sheep, — which includes breeding, feeding, doctoring,
96 VICTORIA.
shearing, selling and buying, together with the hiring, feed-
ing, inspection, and payment of a great number of by no
means subservient workmen, — taxes a man's energies to the
utmost. Cattle probably impose less labour, but a man
will have his hands fairly full who owns three or four thou-
sand head of cattle, who breeds them by his own judgment,
and himself selects them for market. But very many
squatters and graziers really manage their properties by
deputy. Serviceable men have grown up in their employ-
ment, and as years creep on the real work of the run is
allowed to fall from their own hands into those of superin-
tendents and overseers. Then the country gentleman,
though he still talks of " a score of ewes " as did Justice
Shallow, becomes an idle man. He comes down to break-
fast at nine, and is impatient for his dinner before six,
thinking that the clock must be losing time. The ladies no
doubt look after their houses, order lunch and dinner, and
superintend the servants. But they seem to be insufficiently
provided with occupations over and above these. There is
a piano in every house. There are always books, — enough
for reading, though not enough for literary luxury. There
may be croquet out of doors. There arediorses to ride;
and there is the unlimited bush, with its magpies, its laugh-
ing jackasses, and its bell-birds, if you be good at walking.
But there is no provision made for the passing of time.
There is no period of the day at which books fall naturally
into the hands of men and women. Loitering is common,
and the hours too often become foes instead of friends.
This is specially the case during the long evenings. I
fancy that the same fault might have been found with
country houses in England a hundred and fifty years
ago.
Eating and drinking occupy so many of our thoughts,
and contribute so much to the excitement and to the amuse-
ment of life, that I feel myself bound to say something of
the Victorian country gentleman's taste. No table more
plentiful or more hospitable was ever spread. Its chief
distinctive feature is the similarity of the meals. The
breakfast is nearly as substantial as the lunch and dinner,
LADIES AND GENTLEMEN. 97
and between the lunch and dinner it was long before I could
find out any difference. Two or three hot joints of meat
and four or five dishes of vegetables, wine-decanters, and
not uncommonly a teapot, are common to both of them.
As regarded the time allowed, or the appetite, or that addi-
tion to appetite which greediness furnishes throughout the
world, I could not ascertain that there was any distinction
between the two. With us at home the cook never exerts
herself, — or himself, — for lunch, and is not indeed expected
to do so. The Victorian cook is equally awake all the day
long. At last I perceived that at luncheon there would
never be more than two puddings. At dinner the number
was not limited. As a rule, gentlemen in the colonies do
not sit long over their wine ; and, as a rule, also, — and
rules, of course, have their exceptions, — the wine is not
worth a long sitting.
But these little details of which I have spoken do but
form the outside skin of society, whereas the bones, the
muscles, the blood, and the flesh consist of the people them-
selves. Whether men and women dine at five or at seven,
whether they drive out regularly or irregularhy, whether they
hunt foxes or kangaroos, drink bad wine or good, matters
little, in regard to social delights, in comparison with the
character, the manners, and the gifts of the men and women
themselves. In describing Victorians of the upper classes,
and of the two sexes, I would say that both in their defects
and their excellences they approach nearer to the American
than to the British type. And in this respect the Victorian
is distinct from the colonist of New South Wales, who
retains more of the John-Bull attributes of the mother
country than his younger and more energetic brother in the
South. This is visible, I think, quite as much in the
women as in the men. I am speaking now especially of
those women whom on account of their education and posi-
tion we should class as ladies ; but the remark is equally
true to all ranks of society. The maidservant in Victoria
has the pertness, the independence, the mode of asserting
by her manner that though she brings you up your hot
water, she is just as good as you, — and a good deal better
H
9« VICTORIA.
if she be younger, — which is common to the American
" helps." But in Victoria, as in the States, the offensiveness
of this — for to us who are old-fashioned it is in a certain
degree offensive — is compensated by a certain intelligence
and instinctive good-sense which convinces the observer
that however much he may suffer, however heavily the young
woman may tread upon his toes, she herself has a good
time in the world. She is not degraded in her own estima-
tion by her own employment, and has no idea of being
humble because she brings you hot water. And when we
consider that the young woman serves us for her own pur-
poses, and not for ours, we cannot rationally condemn her.
The spirit which has made this bearing so common in the
United States, — where indeed it is hardly so universal now
as it used to be, — has grown in Victoria and has permeated
all classes. One has to look very closely before one can
track it out and trace it to be the same in the elegantly
equipped daughter of the millionaire who leads the fashion
in Melbourne and in the little housemaid ; but it is the
same. The self-dependence, the early intelligence, the
absence of reverence, the contempt for all weakness, — even
feminine weakness, — the indifference to the claims of age,
the bold self-assertion, have sprung both in the one class
and in the other from the rapidity with which success in life
has been gained. The class of which I am now specially
speaking is an aristocrat class ; but it is an aristocracy of
yesterday ; and the creation of such an aristocracy does
away with reverence and puts audacity in its place. The
young housemaid does not shake in her shoes before you
because you have £i 0,000 a year, and the young lady has
no special respect for you because you are her father's old
friend. Her father and her father's friends have had their
time. It is her time now. It is for her to stand in the
middle and for them to range themselves on one side. She
will do her duty by her father and mother, — but she does it
as a superior person attending on those who are inferior.
To her grandfather and her grandmother she alludes as poor
things of the past, to whom much tenderness is due. But
the attention is paid after a fashion which seems to imply
LADIES AND GENTLEMEN. 99
that old folk, in the arrangements of life, should not inter-
fere with their betters who ar» young. Luckily for fathers
and grandfathers in Victoria the power of the purse remains
with them, otherwise they would I fear be ciphers in the
houses that were once their own. The Australian girls and
young married women are not cruel, false, or avaricious, and
I will not call them Gonerils and Regans ; but I ha-ve seen
old men who have put me in mind of Lear.
There is a manifest difference between women who have
come out from England and those who are " colonial-bom,"
which is not at all points in favour of the former. If we
are to take personal appearance as the good thing most in
request by the female sex, I think that the girls born in the
colony have the pre-eminence. As a rule they are very
pretty, having delicate sweet complexions and fine forms.
They grow quickly, and are women two years earlier in life
than are our girls, — and consequently are old women some
five years sooner. They are bright and quick, hardly as yet
thoroughly educated, as the means of thorough education
for women do not grow up in a new country very readily ;
but they have all achieved a certain amount of information
which they have at their fingers' ends. They never appear
to be stupid or ignorant, — because they are never bashful
or diffident. We do not criticise very accurately the law as
laid down to us by a pretty woman, — being thankful for any
law from bright eyes and ruby lips. Sometimes at home
we can get no law, no opinion, no rapid outflow of sweet-
sounding words, — because some modest sense of the weak-
ness of feminine youth restrains the speech. It must be
admitted, however, that even at home this failing is less
general than it used to be.
Women, all the world over, are entitled to everything
that chivalry can give them. They should sit while men
stand. They should be served while men wait. Men
should be silent while they speak. They should be praised,
— even without desert. They should be courted, — even
when having neither wit nor beauty. They should be
worshipped, — even without love. They should be kept
harmless while men suffer. They should be kept warm
ioo victoria.
while men are cold. They should be kept safe while men
are in danger. They should be enabled to live while men
die in their defence. All this chivalry should do for women,
and should do as a matter of course. But there is a reason
for this deference. One human being does not render all
these services to another, — who cannot be more than his
equal before God,- — without a cause. A man will serve a
woman, will suffer for her, — if it come to that will die for
her, — because she is weaker than he and needs protection.
Let her show herself to be as strong, let her prove by her
prowess and hardihood that the old idea of her comparative
weakness has been an error from the beginning, and the
very idea of chivalry, though it may live for awhile by the
strength of custom, must perish and die out of men's hearts.
I have often felt this in listening to the bold self-assertion
of American women, — not without a doubt whether chivalry
was needed for the protection of beings so excellent in
their own gifts, so superabundant in their own strength.
And the same thought has crept over me when I have been
among the ladies of Victoria. No doubt they demand all
that chivalry can give them. No ladies with whom I am
acquainted are more determined to enforce their rights in
that direction. But they make their claim with arms in
their hands, — at the very point of the bodkin. Stand aside
that I may pass on. Be silent that I may speak. Lay
your coat down upon the mud and perish in the
cold, lest my silken slippers be soiled in the mire. Be
wounded that I may be whole. Die, that I may live. And
for' the nonce they are obeyed. That strength of custom
still prevails, and women in Victoria enjoy for a while all
that weakness gives, and all that strength gives also. But
this, I think, can only be for a day. They must choose
between the two, not only in Victoria but elsewhere. As
long as they will put up with that which is theirs on the
score of feminine weakness, they are safe. There is no
tendency on the part of men to lessen their privileges.
Whether they can make good their position in the other
direction may be doubtful. I feel sure that they cannot
long have both, and I think it unfair that they should
LADIES AND GENTLEMEN. 101
make such demand. For the sake of those who are to
come after me, — both men and women, — I hope that there
may be no change in the old-established fashion.
I write these words in fear and trembling, lest the ladies
of Victoria should condemn my book, and set me down as
one who had accepted and betrayed hospitality. Let them
remember all that I have conceded to them. They are
lovely, bright, quick-witted, and successful. If, having said
so much on their behalf, I venture to add a few words of
counsel, they should remember that unqualified praise is
always egregious flattery.
In speaking of men I can venture to use my pen with
greater courage, and to say what I have to say without
bating my breath. To their censure I can be deaf, and
callous to their displeasure. The Victorian old man hardly
as yet exists. Among those who are near the top of the
tree it is rare to find even those who have been born in the
other colonies. The men who have hitherto prospered best
in Australia are they who came young from the old country,
without much money, with great energy, and with a strong
conviction that fortune was to be made by industry,
sobriety, and patience. These men succeeded, and they or
their descendants are now the landed gentry of the country.
Some are dead, and their places are filled by their sons.
Some are tottering in old age, and their work is carried on
by their sons. But there are enough of them still left in
hale strength to give a tone to the entire colony. They
smack of England, — or of Scotland or Ireland, as the case
may be, — and are very different in their manners from those
younger than themselves, who have been born in Australia.
There are of course many, still young, who have come out
from England, — so many that they suffice to give a tone to
the whole social life of the colony. But every year this
becomes less so than it was the year before, and the time
will soon come in which the colonial will be stronger than
the home flavour. It is of interest to inquire whether the
race will deteriorate or become stronger by the change.
Dividing the population into two classes, — which, in
order that I may be understood, I will call the upper and
102 VICTORIA.
the lower class, — I speak now of that which is by far the
less important as being the less numerous. As regards the
masses of the men who earn their bread by their manual
labour I have no doubt whatever that the born colonist is
superior to the emigrant colonist, — any more than I have
that the emigrant is superior to his weaker brother whom he
leaves behind him. The best of our workmen go from us,
and produce a race superior to themselves. The labourer
born in the colonies is better educated than the man who
has come from the old country, and is very much more
sober. He is better fed than the labourer at home, better
housed, better clothed, and is therefore more of a man. I
think that any observer seeing the artisans in an Australian
town, the miners on an Australian gold-field, or the shearers
in an Australian wool-shed, would come to this conclusion,
■ — and would feel that no workman should remain at home
who can make himself master of a passage to the colonies.
I cannot speak with the same confidence of those who are
born to positions which we regard as higher than those of a
daily workman. The young Australian-born "gentleman"
has certain points in his favour. He who goes out from
England belonging to that class has not uncommonly been
sent there because he has not hitherto done very well at
home. 1 have said that the best of our labourers emigrate ;
but we certainly do not send to the colonies the best of our
youth from Oxford and Cambridge, our most learned young
lawyers, our cleverest engineers, or the most promising sons
of our merchants and tradespeople. The young colonial
scion is not called on to compete with the elite of the youth
of the mother country. But in the competition to which he
is called, he hardly as yet holds his own. He rarely runs
into bad vices. He does not drink, or gamble, or go
utterly to the dogs. But he is too often listless, unenergetic,
vain, and boastful. Up to a certain age, that of advanced
boyhood, he is generally clever, quick at learning what he
does learn, and very often superior in general information
to a boy from Harrow or from Winchester. He has more
to say for himself, is less addicted to mere boyish amuse-
ments, and comes out as a man at an earj?°r age, But he
LADIES AND GENTLEMEN. 103
has that fault which belongs to all produce of field and
garden which grows ripe too quickly. When Clara in
" Philip van Artevelde " boasted that she, being of the
softer sex, was privileged to grow ripe on the sunny side of
the wall, she had probably not yet learned that the fruit
which hangs through the autumn has the finer flavour, and
can be kept till the end of winter. The colonial young
man — a young man while he still should be a boy — hardly
keeps the promise of his early years, and seems to lack
something of that energy which grows up among us during
the protracted years of our juvenility.
It is common to hear this discussed in the colonies them-
selves,— where the old swans are by no means disposed to
look upon their cygnets as goslings. It is acknowledged,
at any rate, that the boy grows out of boyhood earlier than
he does in the old country. It is common to attribute the
change to the climate ; and there certainly is apparent
ground for doing so, as we know that puberty is attained
earlier in warm than in cold countries. I do not, however,
believe that the climate is accountable for the great differ-
ence which exists, — especially as there is another cause in
operation which must, I think, have produced it without
other cause. Hitherto the education of youths in the Aus-
tralian colonies has been quick, perfunctory, and perhaps
superficial. That it should have been of this kind, is so
natural, — that it should gradually cease to be open to such
censure as the modes of education are improved, is again so
natural,— that we maybe justified in looking for the decrease
and gradual cessation of an evil so caused, whereas, were it
attributable to the climate, any remedy for it would be
beyond the reach of our energy and wisdom. We are apt,
in the old country, to complain bitterly of the years which
are devoted to the pursuit of limited knowledge very im-
perfectly mastered. At eighteen or nineteen our boys,
though they have been at school for the last ten years, do
not speak Latin, do not read Greek fluently, bungle in their
French, and are novices at mathematics. But during the
whole time they have been learning much which cannot be
put into any examination paper, and which they cannot
J04 VICTORIA.
reckon up in the list of their acquirements. They may be
idle, but they are rarely listless. They may dislike study,
but they do not love to sit still and whistle.
Gradually there is growing up in the colonies a desire
for protracted education on the part of fathers who can
afford to bestow such advantage on their sons. There are
universities at Sydney and Melbourne, which indeed are as
yet only in their infancy in regard to numbers, but which
have the means of giving, and which are intended to give,
the protracted education of which I speak. Gradually they
will grow into favour, and the example which they set will
be followed by schools throughout the colonies. What is
chiefly required on behalf of the colonial-born youth is that
he should be kept a little longer from the appurtenances of
manhood. He should be taught to cease to think that the
prime of life has been reached at nineteen.
CHAPTER IX.
NEWSPAPERS, BOOKS, RAILWAYS, ROADS, TOWNS, AND WINES.
I dislike the use of superlatives, especially when they are
applied in eulogy; nevertheless, I feel myself bound to say
that I doubt whether any country in the world has made
quicker strides towards material comforts and well-being
than have been effected by Victoria. She is not forty years
old, all told, — going back even to the date at which Mr.
Henty landed at Portland, — and she has already at her com-
mand most of the enjoyments of civilised life. Of her great
city, Melbourne, I have spoken, — and of her gold-fields and
that wonderful gold-town, Ballaarat ; also of the country life
of her country gentlemen. But there are other matters in
which she has advanced as quickly : and I must say a word
of her newspapers, her general produce, her railways, her
roads and coaches, her country towns, and her native wines.
With all the prejudice of a genuine Briton, I think that
no country has ever yet produced newspapers equal to those
of England. This fact — if it be a fact — I attribute partly
to her wealth, partly to her general energy, partly to her
love of fair play, but chiefly to her determination that the
press shall be free. In France many of the writers of news-
papers are at any rate equal in talent to their brethren among
us, and, as a rule, they stand higher in public estimation.
They are known by name, and they have a wider reputation.
But they do not produce the same sort of article. The
French newspaper is more confined than the English, and
either more vapid in its obedience to authority, or more
violent in its opposition. There is no catering for inibrma-
io6 VICTORIA.
tion at all approaching in extensiveness to that practised by
our great metropolitan and provincial daily papers ; and the
means expended on the production of a newspaper are
infinitely less. The article when produced is readable in
regard to language and type, and has opinions of its own,
perhaps very strongly developed, as to the central political
subject of the day in France itself; but beyond that it is
generally barren of information, and is often half filled with
extraneous matter, which might be more conveniently used
in the form of a volume. But if the French newspapers
dissatisfy us, what are we to say of those of the United
States? With a fair experience of their journals, with a
conviction favourable in general to American habits and
American institutions, with strongest feelings of social friend-
ship for Americans whom I know and of political friendship
for Americans generally, I am bound to declare that I never
had a newspaper of the United States in my hand without
suffering during the whole time that I was reading it. The
sensational headings, spread over an amount of column
often greater than that afterwards devoted to the subject
itself, disgust and irritate. There will be a dozen such
headings in every paper, and not a scrap of news to create
sensation afterwards. The language is bombastic, vulgar,
and very frequently so faulty as to leave on the mind an
impression that the persons employed cannot generally be-
long to the same class as do our writers for the daily press.
Their type is bad. Their paper is bad, — and when you
have read a journal through with the greatest diligence, you
declare, as you throw it aside, that there is nothing in it
whatever. An American can give a good lecture, — much
better generally than any Englishman, — can make a good
speech, can build a good house, can cook a good dinner,
can bake good bread, can tell a good story, can write a good
book, can do, as I think, anything on earth requiring in-
tellect, energy, industry, and construction, — with this one
exception. He cannot, — at any rate as yet he has not
turned out a good newspaper.
But Victoria, with her 750,000 souls, has a good daily
newspaper, — as has also New South Wales, with her 500,000
NEWSPAPERS AND BOOKS. 107
souls. Indeed, in this respect I intend to give no priority
to the one over the other, having failed to form an opinion
as to which was the best. But I think that the Melbourne
"Argus" and the Sydney "Morning Herald" are the best
daily papers I have seen out of England. Sydney is nearly
a hundred years old, and is perhaps entitled to a good news-
paper ; but it is remarkable that there should be such a paper
as the " Argus " in a town which was a wilderness forty years
since. Melbourne also has a weekly paper, the " Austra-
lasian," which is as good in its way as the " Argus." Com-
mon report says that as pecuniary speculations these perio-
dicals have been highly successful ; — but then so also is the
New York " Morning Herald " !
General literature is perhaps the product which comes
last from the energies of an established country. Men must
eat before they can write, and all think of eating before they
think of writing. Leisure, which is compatible only with
fixed means of living, is necessary for the production of
books. Books in these halcyon days do no doubt provide
bread for the writers of them ; but the man who with empty
pocket attempts to begin the opening of his oyster by the
production of a book, will too often have to endure almost
starvation before his oyster is reached.
The production of books must follow the production of
other things, and the growth of literature will be slow.
Victoria, however, and the Australian colonies generally
have produced many books. I cannot say that as yet their
volumes are to be found crowding the shelves of European
libraries. It would be odd indeed if it were so, as the
country has not yet been open to European enterprise, or
even to European footsteps, for a full century. I have been
surprised to find not only how many books have been
written in Australia, and sent home for publication, — books
generally of colonial history, colonial experience, and colo-
nial exploration, — which have made their mark, but also
how vast a number of small volumes have issued in the
colonies, from the presses of Melbourne and Sydney, which,
alas ! have as yet done but little either for the pockets or the
fame of the writers. Very many of these little books — the
io8 VICTORIA.
majority of the great number which reached my hands-
contained verse, verse that was heroic, verse that was
elegiac, verse that was burlesque, verse that was amatory,
and very often verse that was plaintive. I never had one of
these unpretending products of ambitious souls in my hand
without thinking of the hopes which were once high, so
soon to be dashed to the ground, — of the grand thoughts
which heralded perhaps but a poor production, of the labour
given without return, of the bitter disappointment, and, alas !
too, of the money spent on the paper and printing which
probably could be but ill spared. Taking each individual
author, and regarding the agony which disappointed author-
ship entails, I could not but deplore the production of many
a little book. Now and again the author would tell of all
his trouble, and would complain of the hardness of the world
which would not give him a hearing. But, looking at the
thing as a whole, I know it to be good for the colonies that
such efforts should be made. Success will always at last
attend such struggles ; not, I fear, success for each individual
straggler, but success for the people collectively, whose total
of energy is thus exhibited. The desire, and the ambition,
and the purpose are there, and that which a people really
desires it will achieve. I cannot thus allude to the literature
of the colony at large without mentioning the name of Mr.
Marcus Clarke, of Melbourne, whose Australian tales are
not only known familiarly by all colonists, but are almost as
familiar to English readers.
Victoria has made her railways after a system,— as we are
sometimes told that France did, as England certainly did
not do, nor, as far as I could judge, the other Australian
colonies. In the first place she has a line perfected, as far
as her territory is concerned, in the direct route to Sydney.
The Melbourne and Sydney road crosses the Murray at
Albury, and the Victorian railway was, when I was there,
nearly finished up to the Victorian side of the river, and has
since been completed. I do not think that New South
Wales is making any effort to fill up the gap. She has a
line as far as Goulbourn, — 130 miles from Sydney ; but the
intervening space is so long, — about 300 miles, — that the
RAILWAYS. 109
general transit from one town to the other is still by water.
The distance, and the poorness of the country to be traversed,
will afford an excuse for New South Wales, the validity of
which it is impossible altogether to deny ; but it is, I think,
notorious that Sydney is not desirous of the close intercourse
which a continuous railway would create, and that .she would
dread the effect of the unrestricted rivalry which it would
produce. The wool-growers of the intervening districts
would buy in Melbourne and would sell in Melbourne, if
they could reach Melbourne as easily as Sydney ; — and then
there would be renewed difficulty as to border duties. If all
the southern part of the colony, and much of the south-
eastern part, as well as the Riverina, bought their groceries
in Melbourne, how would New South Wales collect sufficient
taxes ?
The Victorian line, striking the Murray at Albury, is a
branch from a main line, previously perfected, striking the
same river at Echuca, lower down. By this main route the
intercourse between the Riverina and Melbourne is carried
on, and from this point the people of the Riverina are
anxious that a line should be made into the heart of their
country, or at any rate to Deniliquin, which they call their
capital. But of this they have but faint hopes while the
Riverina remains a portion of New South Wales. The line
from Melbourne to Echuca passes directly through the great
Victorian gold-fields of which Bendigo, or Sandhurst as they
now call it, is the centre. There is a station at Castlemaine,
and another at Sandhurst. The line to Ballaarat, the capital
of the other great Victorian gold-field, — I am afraid to call
it either the first or the second in regard to its gold, but in
regard to its qualities as a town there can be no doubt that
it is the first, — starts from the same station at Melbourne,
but branches off a mile or two from the town. This line
takes an indirect course, running down the north-western
side of Port Phillip Bay to Geelong, and then turning north
to Ballaarat. It is intended to continue this line into the
rich farming districts of the west, towards Hexham, Hamil-
ton, and Coleraine, but when I was in the colony there was
a diversity of opinion as to the route which should be taken,
no Victoria.
There is apt to be a diversity of opinion as to the route to
be taken by railways, when the money required for making
them is to come from the colony at large.
Victoria, as she makes her railways, borrows the money
on the credit of the entire colony, and pays the interest out
of the general revenue, applying the earnings of the railways
to the revenue also. In 1869 the total interest on the
amount up to that date borrowed for the construction of
railways, is stated to have been .£505,676, and the expenses
of working the railways to have been £250,657, making a
total of £756, 333 expended, — whereas the proceeds earned
amounted to £544,414, leaving a deficit of £211,919 to be
paid out of the general taxes of the country. I regard the
result as highly satisfactory to the colony. The railways are
still in course of construction, and in that condition must be
less remunerative than they will be when periected. I
believe that comparatively a few years will make the Vic-
torian railways self-supporting, and that an excellent discre-
tion has been exercised in the manner in which the money
has been borrowed and expended. But it may easily be
imagined that money borrowed and expended on this system
should give rise to conflicting claims. AVhy should one
district be favoured above another, when all pay ? It will of
course be urged that this district will support a railway,
while that other cannot do so. But such an argument will
find no favour with the rejected district, which may perhaps
be able to assert itself loudly by political support or political
opposition.
Another short branch striking off from the Geelong line
down to Melbourne, goes to 'Williamstown, which is the port
of the capital, and completes the set of government railways
belonging to the colony. There is a suburban line, belonging
to a private company, which runs to the south and south-east,
and enables the citizens of Melbourne of all degrees to live out
of the city. It was a matter of wonder to me that a town
of such a population as Melbourne should afford so very
large a local traffic ; — but I soon found how large a
proportion of the population lived in the suburbs which it
accommodated.
COACH ROADS AND COACHES. lit
There are still large districts of Victoria not touched by
railway, especially the entire eastern part of the colony,
which is called Gippsland, and the Wimmera district which
lies to the north-west. The Gippslanders talk eagerly of a
railway, but as their pleasant little capital of Sale holds only
2,000 people, and is the centre of a thinly populated country,
I cannot think that their hopes will be soon gratified. The
Wimmera district I did not visit. It is more remote and
more sparsely populated even than Gippsland, but had I
gone there, I should probably have heard of the great pro-
jected Wimmera line.
I cannot speak as highly of the coach roads as of the
railways of Victoria. One effect of railways in a new country
is to anticipate and supersede the creation of ordinary roads.
A perfectly new country, hitherto known only to a few shep-
herds, is opened up by a railway, — which is not carried
hither and thither for the service of towns and villages, but
creates them as it goes along. Then, the one great need of
a central road having been achieved, neither the government
nor the inhabitants are for a time willing to go to the
expense of macadamization. The badness of the roads is,
however, remarkable throughout Australia, — and it is equally
remarkable that though the roads are very bad, and in some
places cannot be said to exist, nevertheless coaches run and
goods are carried about the country. A Victorian coach,
with six or perhaps seven or eight horses, in the darkness of
the night, making its way through a thickly timbered forest at
the rate of nine miles an hour, with the horses frequently up
to their bellies in mud, with the wheels running in and out
of holes four or five feet deep, is a phenomenon which I
should like to have shown to some of those very neat mail-
coach drivers whom I used to know at home in the old
days. I am sure that no description would make any one
of them believe that such feats of driving were possible. I
feel that nothing short of seeing it would have made me
believe it. The coaches, which are very heavy, and carry
nine passengers inside, are built on an American system,
and hang on immense leathern springs. The passengers
inside are shaken ruthlessly, and are horribly soiled by mud
U2 VICTORIA.
and dirt. Two sit upon the box outside, and undergo lesser
evils. By the courtesy shown to strangers in the colonies I
always got the box, and found myself fairly comfortable as
soon as I overcame the idea that I must infallibly be dashed
against the next gum-tree. I made many such journeys,
and never suffered any serious misfortune. I feel my-
self bound, however, to say that Victoria has not advanced
in road-making as she has in other matters.
There are three good towns in Victoria, towns which
would receive such praise on the score of architecture and
general arrangements in any country, whether new or old.
These are Melbourne, Ballaarat, and Geelong. In some
respects, a growing town with a look of growing prosperity
about it, but with still something of the roughness of the bush
in its unfinished streets, is more interesting than a full-fledged
city. There are many such in Victoria, in which the
churches, the banks, the schools, and the hotels seem to
bear a very undue proportion to the shops and private resi-
dences. And in every such a town that has had any suc-
cess there is a newspaper,- — or perhaps two. For a mile or
two on each side of such a town there will be made roads,
and then, by gradual but quick decrease of road-making
enterprise, the bush track will be reached. The population
is very small, 3,000 being enough to justify corporate pride
and a high position among boroughs, and even 500 sufficing
for a mayor. In all these towns rough plenty prevails. In
many of them I found that the rates of an artisan's wages
were quite as high as in Melbourne, and in some higher.
Large amounts of capital are occasionally expended on the
erection of a store, or a huge inn, — which not unfrequently
is lost to the speculator. But in a new country such losses
do not frighten other speculators ; — do not even frighten
him who for the nonce has been ruined. The man who has
lost his money " clears out," and some other speculator
comes in. I visited various such towns as these, Beech-
worth, Hamilton, Sale. Woods Point, Wangaratta, and others,
and was invariably struck by their uncouth prosperity. You
see them expanding and growing, as you do the young
colonial girl of ten years old, who buds forth so quickly that
AUSTRALIAN WINE. 1I3
the increase of her physical power becomes almost visible to
you. Too often these towns are altogether ugly to the eye.
How should an unfinished congregation of houses be other-
wise than ugly when it is constructed with rectangular streets
on a level plain? The pretentious dimensions of some two
or three buildings, — of a church, a bank, or an inn, — adds
to the ugliness of the houses generally, and gives to the
stranger a feeling of mixed melancholy and of thankfulness
that his lot has not been cast in so unsightly a place. When,
however, he has learned on inquiry that every man there
earns 41-., $?., or 6s. a day, and that meat is 2d. a pound,
and when he remembers that in his own pretty villages at
home men are earning 2s. a day and that meat is is. a
pound, the melancholy by which he is pervaded takes another
direction.
From this general charge of ugliness I must except the
pretty town of Beechworth, which is the capital of a large
district, and which is graced by a lunatic asylum. But its
charm does not depend on the greatness of its corporate
condition, or even on its asylum. It is backed by the Aus-
tralian Alps, and has had bestowed upon it the gift of fine
scenery. I doubt whether there be a man alive who would
prefer 2s. a day and grand mountains, to 5J. and a flat
countiy ; — but when the matter does not come home so
closely to the spectators, a pretty landscape has a great
effect.
Australia makes a great deal of wine, — so much and so
cheaply that the traveller is surprised how very little of it
is used by the labouring classes. Among them some do not
drink at all, some few drink daily, — and many never drink
when at work, but indulge in horrible orgies during the few
weeks, or perhaps days, of idleness which they allow them-
selves. But the liquor which they swallow is almost always
spirits — and always spirits of the most abominable kind.
They pay sixpence a glass for their poison, which is served
to them in a cheating false-bottomed tumbler so contrived
as to look half-full when it contains but little. The drain is
swallowed without water, and the dose is repeated till the
man be drunk. The falseness of the glass seems to excuse
1
ii4 VICTORIA.
itself, as the less the man has the better for him ; — but the
fraud serves no one but the publican, for though the " nob-
bier" be small, — a dram in Australia is always a nobbier,—
there is no limit to the number of nobblers. The concoc-
tion which is prepared for these poor fellows is, I think,
even worse than that produced by the London publican.
At home, however, beer is the wine of the country and is the
popular beverage at any rate with the workmen of this coun-
try. In all the Australian colonies, except Tasmania, wine
is made plentifully, — and if it were the popular drink of the
country, would be made so plentifully that it could suffice
for the purpose. All fruits thrive there, but none with such
fecundity as the grape. One Victorian wine-grower, who
had gone into the business on a great scale, told me that it
he could get 2s. a gallon for all that he made, the business
would pay him well. The wine of which he spoke was cer-
tainly superior both in flavour and body to the ordinary wine
drunk by Parisians. It is wholesome and nutritious, and is
the pure juice of the grape.
Accustomed to French and Spanish wines, — or perhaps to
wines passed off upon me as such, — I did not like the Aus-
tralian " fine" wines. The best that I drank was in South
Australia, but I did not much relish them. I thought them
to be heady, having a taste of earth, and an after-flavour
which was disagreeable. This may have been prejudice on
my part. It may be that the requisite skill for wine-making
has not yet been attained in the colonies. Undoubtedly
age is still wanting to the wines, which are consumed too
quickly after the vinting. It may possibly be the case that
though Australia can grow an unlimited quantity of wine,
she cannot produce wines capable of rivalling those of
Europe. On these points I do not pretend to have an
opinion. But I regard a wholesome drink for the country
as being of more importance than fine wines, even though
they should equal the produce of the vineyards of the South
of Spain or the South of France. France and Italy are tem-
perate because they produce a wine suitable to their climate.
Australia, widr a similar climate, produces wine with equal
ease, and certainly, — I speak in reference to the common
AUSTRALIAN WINE. tifj
wine, — as good a quality. There is now on sale in Mel-
bourne, at the price of, I think, threepence a glass, — the
glass containing about half a pint, — -the best vin-ordinaire
that I ever drank. It is a white wine, made at Yering, a
vineyard on the Upper Yarra, and is both wholesome and
nutritive. Nevertheless, the workmen of Melbourne, when
they drink, prefer to swallow the most horrible poison which
the skill of man ever concocted.
CHAPTER X.
LEGISLATION, GOVERNMENT, AND COMMERCE.
The scheme of legislation and government is the same in
Victoria as in the other colonies, but it has been carried out
after a more entirely democratic fashion, and with a more
settled intention of throwing the political power of the
colony into the hands of the people. There are, of course,
the three estates, — King, Lords, and Commons, represented
here by the Governor, with his appointment from Downing
Street, the Legislative Council, and the Legislative Assem-
bly. The Governor has, of course, the royal veto ; and he
has also, which is much more commonly used, the power of
reserving bills which have passed the two colonial houses for
the approval or disapproval of the home government. The
Upper House, or Legislative Council, is elective, as it is
also in South Australia. In Queensland and New South
Wales it is nominated. The nominations in the latter
colonies are, indeed, practically made by the premier for
the time, who is the minister of the people ; but a House is
thus constituted much less democratic and at the same time
more influential than when elected by popular constituencies.
Political power necessarily belongs chiefly to the Lower
House, — to that which is nearest to the community at large;
but it falls altogether away from an elective Upper House,
as the people devote all their energies and all their thoughts
to the members whom they are to elect for the popular
chamber.
The Legislative Council in Victoria is returned by six
provinces into which the colony is divided, — each province
LEGISLATION.
117
returning five members. Of these five one goes out every
second year, so that each member of the Council is returned
for ten years. A property qualification is required both for
the candidate and for the electors. The former must own
property to the value of ^2,500, and the latter must pay a
rental of ^50, or rates on property to that amount. The
interest taken by Victorians in the elections of the Council
is not great. At those which were made in 1870 there was
no contest in four out of the six provinces, and in the other
two less than 50 per cent, of the electors polled. The
Upper House seldom initiates laws, and is looked upon
rather for protection than action. This is certainly the case
in the other colonies also, but in none of them to the same
extent as in Victoria. In Tasmania and South Australia I
found the prime minister in the Upper House. In Queens-
land and New South Wales I found one of the cabinet
there ; and, in the latter, many of the leading men of the
colony held seats in the Council. In Victoria the cabinet
is no doubt represented in the Council ; but the representa-
tion is generally feeble, and the gentlemen selected have
of late held no office and, I believe, received no emolument.
The Lower House is elected for three years, by manhood
suffrage, and no property qualification is required either for
the candidates or for the electors. The votes for both
Houses are of course taken by ballot. In regard to the
ballot in Victoria, it is as well to point out that its value
consists not in any security afforded by secrecy, — as to
which the voters are happily quite indifferent ; — but in the
tranquillity at elections which it ensures. In Victoria, and in
Victoria alone among the Australian colonies, members of
parliament are paid. They receive ,£300 a year for their ser-
vices, and are entitled to travel free by railways and mail-
coaches. The system of payment has not, however, as yet been
permanently adopted. Unless renewed by another bill, it will
lapse after the first year of the parliament next to be elected,
and would thus cease in 1875. Whether it will be renewed
not a few in the colony profess to doubt ; but I observe
that the doubters are those who think such payment to be
objectionable. I have but little faith myself in the modcra-
n8 VICTORIA.
tion of a dog that has once tasted blood, and do not there-
fore believe that the members of the next Victoria parlia-
ment will be endowed by so strong a spirit of patriotic
martyrdom as to abandon by their own act the salaries
which they will be then enjoying. I will not trouble my
reader here by attempting to prove that this making a pro-
fession of parliament, this power of living poorly on the
small means which parliament will produce, must be in-
jurious to the legislature of the country, as the system has
but few advocates at home. It has now been practised for
many years in the United States, and certainly has not
served there to raise the House of Representatives. It has
not been long tried in Victoria, but it certainly has not as
yet had that tendency.
The mode of carrying on the government in Victoria sub-
ject to the approval of parliament is almost identical with
that which is familiar to us at home. The governor nomi-
nally appoints his minister, — selecting one chief who selects
his own cabinet; but the choice is in fact made by the
Lower House, whose chosen leader remains in power as
long as he is the chosen one, and gives way by resignation
as soon as some other favourite has usurped the votes of the
majority. The mode of changing ministers is nearly the
same as with us at home, — but the power of the minister is
in one respect confined within narrower limits. The outgoing
minister in his last and generally futile attempt to regain
that which he has lost, recommends the Crown to dissolve
Parliament, so that the country at large may have an oppor-
tunity of reversing the last decision of its representatives.
We at home now think that the Crown is boundto follow
the advice so tendered, thereby obeying the great constitu-
tional rule that the sovereign can do no political act except
by the advice of his ministers. The practice is not as yet
recognised, — is at any rate not as yet established as consti-
tutional usage, — in the colonies. During my sojourn in
Australia I saw a ministry outvoted in New South Wales
and another in Victoria. In each case the outgoing minister
appealed to the governor for a dissolution. In New South
Wales the governor acceded, — and was then blamed by
GOVERNMENT. 119
every one for doing so. In Victoria the governor refused, —
giving his reasons in a paper which was read to the House,
and every one praised him for refusing. In the one case as
in the other there was a general feeling that nothing could
be gained by a dissolution, — as in New South Wales nothing
was gained by the outgoing minister. Nevertheless it will
come to be accepted in the colonies before long as good
constitutional doctrine that in this matter, as in all other
matters of political practice, the governor should be guided
by his responsible advisers.
A member of a colonial cabinet is not so great a man as
a cabinet minister at home. He is not even relatively so
great a man, and does not hold a position among his fellow
citizens proportionate to that enjoyed by our own statesmen
at home ; but he holds very much more than proportionate
powers, and exercises very much more than proportionate
patronage. Everything is centralized. The roads, the
bridges, and the railways of the colony are constructed by
government. Asylums and gaols are erected and managed
by the government. The lands of the colony, not as yet
alienated, are the property of the government at large, and
are sold or leased by the government. The local magis-
trates are appointed by the government. Municipal institu-
tions are growing, and as they grow this centralization of
power will be lessened ; but, in the meantime, the ministers
of the day, who may be men but very little qualified to bear
the weight of such responsibility, are called upon to arrange
details affecting the interests of individuals which it would
be impossible for any minister, however great, to adjust with
true impartiality. Things are, in truth, adjusted with an
eye to electioneering majorities. When a member for some
remote district becomes a cabinet minister, that district at
once expects all the good things which patronage can give.
Should a Roman Catholic be prime minister the Roman
Catholics throughout the colony expect government places ;
— and every porter at a railway holds a government place.
But the minister for lands is he upon whom the greatest
pressure is brought to bear. A supporter of the ministry
considers himself entitled to buy good land cheap, — and
120 VICTORIA.
considers also that every impediment should be thrown in
the way of those who oppose the ministry but still wish to
buy land. Tenders of contracts for the conveyance of mails
are sent out in the name of the postmaster-general, who
happened also to be prime minister when I was in Mel-
bourne. Tenders for government clothing are sent out in
the name of the treasurer. The same practice prevails
throughout the cabinet, and produces a feeling that staunch
support of the government may be quite as influential in
procuring the desired job as favourable terms. The injus-
tice done to individuals is not in itself so great an evil as
the growing conviction throughout the colony that all this
is a matter of course, and that it forms a recognised part of
that concrete institution which we welcome under the name
of Constitutional Government.
I do not wish to say hard things of Victorian ministers of
state ; — nor do I condemn any individuals when I assert
that the* whole colony is permeated by a conviction that the
power of government is used for jobbing. While matters
are centralized as they are now, — while members of the
cabinet are compelled to exercise their own judgment in the
appointment of gaolers, railway porters, and letter-carriers
over the entire colony, — while tenders are sent in, not to
the politically powerless head of a department, but to the
political minister himself by name, — it would require more
than human energy and impartiality to avoid jobbery In
the present circumstances of the colonial executive depart-
ments is it not probable that the energies of ministers will
be prompted to take quite the other direction ? Indeed no
man could sit for a month on the Victorian ministerial bench
who determined to manage his office without any reference
to his parliamentary position. It is taken as a matter of
course that he will use his patronage for the promotion of
his party.
In this matter I do not know that even yet we have our
hands at home quite clean. I think I do know that they
have not at any rate been long clean. But the sin has been
all but abolished among us, chiefly by the intense desire of
statesmen to be quit of a business that had been thrown
GOVERNMENT. 12 1
upon them gradually by the increasing propensity to raise
bulwarks for political powers, but which they at last found
to be not only onerous and disreputable, but also unservice-
able. In the United States the system is still rampant, —
though there it has been somewhat lessened by the general
feeling which prevails as to its iniquity. In all the Austral-
asian colonies it exists. In each of them ministers are
driven to seek parliamentary support by manipulating
patronage. Fortunes already made are not common among
legislators in a new country,— so that it may often happen
that the brothers, sons, and kinsmen of a minister may
themselves be in need of places. A ministry that was
beaten in the parliament of Victoria in June, 1872, was
turned out solely on the ground that it had misused its
patronage. There may, perhaps, be room to hope that
such an example may be of service, and that it may tend to
teach the people generally that parliamentary government
does not mean the partial advancement of a certain class
who may support this or that set of politicians. There can
be but little doubt that a decentralization of affairs and an
increase in the power and responsibility of local manage-
ment would greatly tend to save colonists themselves from
falling into a miserably false view of politics, which at
present it is almost impossible that they should avoid.
The revenue of the colony for the year ending 30th June,
1872, was ^3,72 1,64s. This included about three-quarters
of a million raised by the sale of public lands and by
pastoral leases. It included also the amount collected on
the railways, for water-supply to the city of Melbourne, for
telegraphs, pilot-dues, and postage, and various other items,
all of which are brought to the account of the public purse,
though they have no connection with the taxation of the
country The absolute burden on the country, raised in
the shape of taxes, does not exceed a million and a half,
and is therefore not above £2 a head on the population.
The public debt amounts to twelve millions, — but it has
been borrowed exclusively for the construction of public
works, and almost exclusively for the construction of rail-
ways. It must be admitted that the burden of taxation on
122 VICTORIA.
the public is light in the colony, and is so although the
government has undertaken enterprises on the public
behalf, which no private companies could have achieved.
The two great staple articles of commerce in Victoria are
wool and gold. Of the gold-fields of the colony I have said
enough, but it may be well to add a comparative statement
of the value of those two sources of wealth. In 1870 the
gold exported from the colony was sold for ^6,119,782,
and the wool for ^3,205,106. Gold maintains its nominal
value, whereas wool vacillates so much that within twelve
months the price may be nearly doubled or halved. Be-
tween March, 1871, and March, 1872, the price of wool did
rise fully 80 per cent. But since 1852, the first year of
extended gold production in Victoria, the Victorian wool
has never come near to the Victorian gold, and during the
whole of that period has amounted to little more than a
quarter of it. Nevertheless the established wealth of the
wealthy man in Victoria has been nude by pastoral pursuits
rather than by mining. The aristocracy is essentially an
aristocracy of squatters, — that is of gentlemen who have
made or are making their money by grazing cattle and
shearing sheep. The gold may cost as much to raise it as
it is worth, — may, indeed, and often does, cost much more.
But the sheep increase in numbers and are shorn with com-
paratively little outlay. Here, as in most other countries,
land is more coveted, and seems to convey a higher influ-
ence, than any other property. The squatter, even though
he do not own his land, but runs his sheep on waste lands,
as a crown tenant with a short lease, and no certainty of
tenure even as to that, is still regarded as a territorial mag-
nate. Though the gold produced in the colony be annually
worth double the wool, and though the raids of the free-
selecter on the squatter have been more cruel in Victoria
than even in the other colonies, still the production of wool
is the most popular and certainly at the present moment the
most remunerative occupation in Victoria.
In 1870 the total imports into the colony amounted to
^12,455,758, and the exports to ^12,470,014, thus very
nearly balancing themselves. Each amount is about a
COMMERCE. 123
million lower than it was ten years before, — in 1861. But
I doubt whether this can be taken as showing any decrease
in the substantial prosperity of the colony. The decrease
in the exports has been chiefly on gold and live-stock, with
a wholesome rise on most other articles of Victorian pro-
duce. The export of wool increased during that period by
more than a third, showing that it was better worth the while
of the stock-owners to keep their sheep than to send them
into the other colonies for sale. The produce of gold is
necessarily fluctuating, and cannot be taken in any one year
as an indication of the trade of the country. The decrease
in the imports was chiefly on grain and flour, thus showing
that the country had progressed in the important work of
feeding itself. No doubt, whenever new gold-fields are
opened, creating new " rushes," or old gold-fields show them-
selves to be for a time specially productive, there will be a
sudden influx of migratory population, and successful miners
will spend money freely. They will thus raise the imports
by their consumption, and the exports by the gold which
they send away. A gold-producing country must be subject
to these fluctuations, but they can hardly be taken as a
proof either of the decay or the rise of substantial prosperity.
As to the substantial prosperity of Victoria, no one, I think,
who has visited that country can entertain a doubt. It is
to be seen in the daily lives of the colonists, in the clothes
which they wear, in the food which they eat, in the wages
which they receive, in the education of their children, and
in the general comfort of the people.
TASMANIA.
TASMANIA.
CHAPTER I.
EARLY HISTORY.
It seems hard to say of a colony, not yet seventy years old,
that it has seen the best of its days, and that it is falling
into decay, that its short period of importance in the world
is already gone, and that for the future it must exist, — as
many an old town and old country do exist, — not exactly
on the memory of the past, but on the relics which the past
has left behind it. England has towns of her own at home
and colonies of her own abroad, — it would be invidious to
name them, — of which this may truly be said. On visiting
them the stranger feels assured that the salt of life has gone
out of them. Trade dwells in them no longer, and pros-
perous men do not move about their streets. Their inhabi-
tants are contented to be obscure, and generally have
neither fears nor hopes. Society is mild and dull, and the
remnant of the people who are left are for the most part
satisfied to sit and wait. But a young colony should have
young, sparkling, eager life. She should be hopeful, im-
petuous, and loud, with a belief in her destiny; and if she
be given somewhat to boasting, she will not, indeed, thereby
show herself to be possessed of an actual virtue, but will give
evidence even by that vice of the strength of youth which
makes a community at first buoyant and then prosperous.
Such essentially are Queensland and Victoria, which force
even upon unwilling ears a conviction of their strength by
128 TASMANIA.
the loudness of their self-assertion and the vigour of their
confidence. I by no means say that the dreamy, dusty
quiescence of decay, the imbecility of old age which does
not become actual death because so little of the energy of
life is expended on the work of living from clay to day, have
become the lot of young Tasmania ; but I do say that
Tasmanians are almost united in declaring so of themselves,
and that they have said so till the other colonies are quite
united in repeating the story.
Tasmania as Tasmania is very young, — so young that
many old-fashioned folk at home hardly recognise her
under that name, and still know her as Van Diemen's Land.
That name is now odious to the ears of Tasmanians, as
being tainted with the sound of the gaol and harsh with the
crack of the gaoler's whip ; but it was under that name that
the island was prosperous. England sent her convicts
thither, and with her ruffians sent ^350,000 a year for
their custody and maintenance. The whole revenue of the
island, including Customs, Inland Revenue, and Land
Fund, does not now exceed ^£280,000. And die money
sent from England was by no means all the wealth which
the convicts brought with them. They had their thews
and sinews, and the free squatters of Tasmania knew well
how to turn such God-sends into money. And public
works were done magnificently by them, — on the doing of
which sufficiently, quickly, and without too close a regard
to any immediate return of money, the welfare of a growing
colony almost depends. Roads were made, and buildings
were erected, and river-banks were cleared, and forests were
cut down with a thoroughness which proved that convicts
were at any rate useiul. But though useful they were
disgraceful. The Van Diemonians, — as colonists from other
colonies are wont to call them in jeering mirth, — had a
spirit of their own which could not be at ease within a
j>rison, even though they themselves were the masters and
wardens, and kept the keys of the prison. It began to be
unendurable to them that their beautiful island, the sweetest
in climate, the loveliest in scenery, the richest in rivers and
harbours, the most accessible of all Great Britain's eastern
EARLY HISTORY. 129
colonies, should be known to the world only as Great
Britain's gaol. So they spoke their mind, and of course
had their way, — as has been the case with all Great Britain's
children since the tea was thrown overboard at Boston.
The convicts were made to cease, and Van Diemen's Land
became Tasmania,— Tasmania with free institutions of its
own, with representative government, with Lords and
Commons, with a public debt, with its own taxes, and a
right to govern itself by its own laws, — so long as it should
enact no laws contrary to the spirit of the laws of England.
It became, in fact, as were and are the other colonies, all
but independent, and it threw off from itself its convict
stain. But then, as a matter of course, it threw off from
itself also the ^"350,000 a year which in one shape or
another the convicts used to bring with them from England,
and it could make no more roads and put up no more
public buildings except in the normal way of the world, by
paying the market price for the works accomplished.
The feeling of disgrace, the aspiration for a different state
of things, and the determination to be quit of the question-
able well-being of a convict establishment, were very grand
on the part of the free settlers of Van Diemen's Land.
There was more in it than in the same resolution on the
part of New South Wales; — for New South Wales was
large, and was achieving property in another way when it
resolved that convicts should be no longer received. New
South Wales made no such sacrifice as did Van Diemen's
Land. The government money, and government works,
and government employment were no longer at that time
all in all to New South Wales, as they were to the small
colony settled in the southern island, which had been
created in the first place for the convicts, and then nourished
by them. A great fight was made by the mother country
to retain the right thus to dispose of her ruffians, and Sir
William Denison, who was the governor of the clay in Van
Diemen's Land, was very eager in his attempt to perpetuate
the arrangement, acting no doubt under instructions from
the Colonial Office at home. But the feeling against the
convicts was too general, and the people, though few in
K
130 TASMANIA. .
numbers, were too strong for Sir William Denison. In
1851 and 1852, when the agitation was going on, there
were less than 75,000 free inhabitants in the colony, but
they prevailed ; — and as a consequence the money was
stopped There were no longer British troops in the island,
now re-christened as Tasmania. All the paraphernalia of
home wealth, and home empire, and home influence were
withdrawn. Of course there has been a reaction. I do not
dare to say that the Tasmanians regret their convicts ; but
they do regret the attendant expenditure and attendant
ceremonies of the convict establishment. The colony had
been fostered by extraneous help and not by internal energy.
It was easier to see and to feel the meanness in the eyes of
the world of this position, than to rise at once to the
national effort necessary for success on its withdrawal. The
" Van Diemonians " were all but united in the declaration
of their determination that no more convicts should be sent
to them. They are now almost equally united in their
declaration that the cessation of the coming of the convicts
has- been their ruin. They think that England has been
hard to them in the measure of justice which she has meted.
There might have been a regiment or at any rate a company
of soldiers left in the island, — a few red jackets if only to
enliven the streets and gladden the eyes of the women.
Was it to be expected that all the money was to be with-
drawn at once, — or if not quite at once with so great
rapidity ? There still remains, and will yet remain for a
few years,' — as I shall explain more at length in another
chapter, — a small subsidy for the expiring needs of the old
establishment ; but that is becoming less and less every
year, and the want of the money is felt in every station and
in every shop.
We all know the listlessness and unmanly apathy which
has hitherto been engendered all the world over by govern-
ment pay. In England for the last twenty years we have
been making great efforts to cure the evil, but the fact that
the efforts have been found to be necessary is the best
proof of the truth of the assertion. Government cannot get
the same work out of its workmen that is got by private
EARLY HISTORY. 131
employers. It cannot build a ship, or manage an estate, or
erect a palace with that economy which a private master
can ensure. Six hours of work, diminished perhaps to five
or four as opportunities may allow, takes the place of the
eight hours given by servants employed in private enter-
prises. This scope for idleness produces idleness till it
becomes the great blessing of the service that real work is
not exacted. To pretend to do something. — not even to
pretend to do much, — is the gentlemanlike thing. There
has been much of all this in England, but more of it, I
think, among Englishmen employed out of England. "I he
evil is by no means limited to the clerk, or secretary, or
commissioner who feels himself to be a great man because
he has very little to do for his salary, but extends itself to
all those who see and know and envy the great man. A
profuse expenditure of government money in any com-
munity will taint the whole of it with the pervading sin.
Men learn to regard the government as babies regard the
nurse, — and are like the big calf which can only be kept
from its overwrought mother's dugs by some process of
disagreeable expulsion. Personal enterprise and national
enterprise are equally destroyed by it. In Dublin, you are
told that Dublin could not thrive if the Lord Lieutenant
were withdrawn ; and, consequently, Dublin with its Lord
Lieutenant dDes not thrive. Of all food this national
mother's milk, when taken beyond the period of infancy, is
the most enervating. Van Diemen's Land had the strength
of character necessary for the abandonment of it by her
own effort. I think myself that she has a constitution suf-
ficiently strong to enable her to live through the consequent
crisis, and to walk honestly on her own legs after a period
of weakness. In the meantime she feels herself to be sick,
and she longs for the unwholesome nourishment which she
herself was wise enough to throw away from her.
I need hardly say that the island now called Tasmania
lies south of Australia. The port of Launceston, which is
the largest town in the northern division of the island, is, at
the present rate of steaming, about twenty-five hours distant
from the port of Melbourne. The island, with the small
132 TASMANIA,
adjacent islands belonging to it, is somewhat smaller than
Ireland. It comprises nearly seventeen million acres, of
which less than a fourth have been alienated from the
Crown, — that is, purchased and used by settlers in the
colony. A small portion of the vast remaining area is
leased by the Crown to squatters, and is depastured, — if I
may use a word which I have found to be common in the
colonies ; but by far the greater proportion of the island is
covered by dense unexplored forests of gum trees. It is
now divided into eighteen counties, of which five in the
west are, as far as I could learn, altogether uninhabited and
uninhabitable. Of others only strips of land near the sea
or by the side of rivers have been " taken up." It is
mountainous, the mountains boasting of but moderate alti-
tudes,— 5,000 feet, and the like. It is intersected by many
rivers, and watered by many lakes, being in this respect
altogether unlike the mainland of Australia. It was dis-
covered in 1642, originally by Abel Jan Tasman, a Dutch-
man,— as were so many of the Australian pioneers. Tasman,
so says the legend, was violently in love with Maria, the
daughter of one Van Diemen, who in those days was
governor of the Dutch East Indian possessions. Tasman
had been sent out on this expedition by Van Diemen, and
showed his gratitude and gallantry by the liberal use of his
patron's name and that of his patron's daughter in the
nomenclature of the places he discovered. The whole
country he called Van Diemen's Land. The largest of the
adjacent islands which he saw he christened Maria. The
lady's name still stands on the maps; but posterity, with a
justice which is not customary in such matters, after more
than two centuries, in its hatred of a sound which had become
connected all over the world with rascaldom, has gone back
to the real discoverer, and has created for the colony the
name of Tasmania. For many years after Tasman's discovery
it was thought to be a part of the continent of New Holland, as
Australia was then called. It was not till 1798 that George
Bass discovered the straits which still bear his name. In
1803 the island was first occupied on behalf of Great
Britain by a party sent from New South Wales, and in 1 804
EARLY HISTORY. 133
Colonel David Collins was appointed as its first lieutenant-
governor, he being at that time subject to the governor of
the parent colony. The settlement in Van Diemen's Land
was made with the express intention of relieving New South
Wales of a portion of its convicts, and specially with a view
of sending thither those who had been hitherto stationed at
Norfolk Island, — which place had been found to be ill
fitted for the purpose. At this time the only, or at least by
far the paramount, interest taken by the mother country in
the possession of Australia had reference to her convicts.
New South Wales had been found to be a place to which
convicts could conveniently be sent ; but the number which
could be safely kept there was not sufficient for the purposes
of the home government. Van Diemen's Land might supply
the deficiency, and to Van Diemen's Land were dispatched
a certain proportion of the convicts who crowded and em-
barrassed the hands of the governor of New South Wales.
Two stations were opened, the first on the north and the
second on the south side of the island. And thus sprang
up two towns, Launceston on the Tamar in the north, and
Hobart Town on the Derwent in the south. These are
still the chief and, perhaps I may say without offence to
various flourishing villages, the only towns in Tasmania;
and they are joined together by such a road, 120 miles in
length, as is not to be found elsewhere in the Australian
colonies. This was, of course, made altogether by convict
labour.
From this time, 1804, down to the year 1856, when
responsible government began, the history of Van Diemen's
Land is simply the history of a convict establishment. How
to manage convicts, how to get work out of them with the
least possible chance of escape, how to catch them when
they did escape, how to give them liberty when they made
no attempt to escape, how to punish them, and how not to
punish them, how to make them understand that they were
simply beasts of burden reduced to that degree by their own
vileness, and how to make them understand at the same
time that if under the most difficult circumstances for the
exercise of virtue they would cease to be vicious, they might
I3V TASMANIA.
cease also to be beasts of burden, — these were the tasks
which were imposed, not only upon the governors and their
satellites, not only on all officers military and civil, not only
on the army of gaolers, warders, and such like, which was
necessary, but also on every free settler and on every free
man in the island. For no one who had cast in his lot with
Van Diemen's Land could be free from the taint of the
establishment, or unconnected with the advantages which it
certainly bestowed.
A double set of horrors is told of the convict establish-
ment of Van Diemen's Land, — of horrors arising from the
cruelty of the tyrant gaolers to their prison slaves, and of
horrors created by these slaves when they escaped and
became bushrangers. It must be borne in mind that almost
every squatter was a gaoler, and that almost every servant
was a slave. But no tidings that are told through the world
exaggerate themselves with so much ease as the tidings of
horrors. They who are most shocked at them, women who
grow pale at the hearing and almost shriek as the stories are
told them, delight to have the stories so told that they may
be justified in shrieking. The ball grows as it is rolled, and
the pile of wonder is accumulated. But no doubt the work
to be done was very nasty work, and there was of necessity
much of roughness on both sides. It must be understood
that these prisoners in Van Diemen's Land were not to be
kept as prisoners are kept in our county gaols and peni-
tentiaries at home. They were to be out at work wherever
the present need of work might be. Nor were they to be
watched when at work by regular warders as many of us
have seen to be done with gangs of prisoners at Portland,
Portsmouth, and elsewhere at home, — so watched that im-
mediate escape, though not perhaps impossible, is very
difficult. A portion of the convicts sent to Van Diemen's
Land were no doubt locked up from the first, a portion
were employed on government works and were probably
kept under close though not continued surveillance ; — but
the majority both of men and women were sent out as
servants to the free settlers, who were responsible, if not
directly for the safe custody of those entrusted to therm at
EARLY HISTORY. 135
least for immediate report should any escape. The first
preliminaries of escape were easy. A man could run into
the bush, and be quit at any rate of the labour of the hour.
If he were shepherding sheep, or building fences, or felling
timber, during the greater part of the day, no eye unless
that of a brother convict was upon him. He could go, and
the chances of the world were open to him. But when
these first preliminaries were so easy it was of course essen-
tial that they should ordinarily be rendered unsuccessful, and
that the attempt should be followed by speedy and sharp
punishment. The escaped convict was at once hunted, and
generally tracked by the facilities which starvation afforded
to his pursuers. No one but an escaped convict would feed
an escaped convict, and none but they who had established
themselves as bushrangers had food either to eat or to give.
Even the established bushrangers, who had homes of some
sort in the mountain recesses, who were in league with the
blacks, and who knew how to take the wild animals, the
kangaroos and walliby and opossums, were not unfrequently
driven by famine to surrender themselves.
Of course the escapes were numerous, and of course the
punishments were severe. And it was not only that the
men would escape, but also that when punctual to hours and
punctual in the receipt of their rations, they would not earn
their rations by work. They would not work after such a
fashion as to please their masters ; — and, as a necessity, the
masters had a redress for such occasions. A convict who
would only eat rations and never earn them, — and who
could not be dismissed as can an ordinary idle servant, —
required some treatment more or less severe. The master
himself was not allowed to inflict corporal punishment, — but
the neighbouring magistrate was entrusted with that power.
The magistrate could, on hearing sufficient evidence of wilful
idleness or other delinquency, inflict a certain number of
lashes. The thing became so common, of such everyday
occurrence, that very light evidence was soon found to be
sufficient. The neighbouring settler or squatter was pro-
bably the friend of the magistrate, who was a squatter him-
self j and what better, — indeed what other evidence could
136 TASMANIA.
the magistrate have than his friend's word ? The practice
became very simple at last. If the man would not work, or
worked amiss, or was held to have sinned in any way against
his master's discipline, he was sent to the magistrate to be
flogged. He himself would be the bearer of some short
note. " Dear Sir, — Please give the bearer three dozen, and
return him." The man as a rule would take the note, — and
the three dozen, and would return. A bold spirit would
perhaps run away. Then he would be tracked and dogged
and starved, till he either came back or was brought back,
— and the last state of that man would be worse than the
first.
Of course these were horrors. The men who did escape,
and some who did not, committed fresh crimes and under-
went fresh trials, — with very small chance of verdicts in
their favour. And of all crimes murder and attempts to
murder seem to have been most in excess. Men were
hung for murder and attempts to murder and for various
other crimes. The hangings were frequent and gave rise to
sharp expostulations. There is a story in the island that the
gaol chaplain at Hobart Town once remonstrated, — not
against hanging in general or the number that were hung, —
but as to the inconvenient celerity with which the ceremony
was performed. Thirteen men, he said, could be comfort-
ably hung at once, but no more. The crowding had been
too great, and he trusted that for the future the accommoda-
tion afforded by the gaol might not be too far stretched.
The hangman was a great and well-paid official. There were
flagellat®rs also, generally convicts themselves, promoted to
the honourable employment of flogging their brethren at the
different stations. There is still, I am told, an old pen-
sioned hangman living under protection in the island. The
flagellators have disappeared, some having gone to Victoria
as miners, some having died in their bed, — a reasonable pro-
portion having been murdered. It may be understood that
the flagellators would not be popular.
Not a few of these forlorn ones did escape and make their
way into the wilderness, living in holes and amidst rocks and
sometimes in habitations built for themselves in the deep
EARLY HISTORY. 137
recesses of the forests. The names of some of these still
live in the memory of old Tasmanians, and some few still
live themselves as respectable members of society. There
was one Brady, who seems to have possessed himself of half
the mountain tops in the island, for, let the traveller go
where he will, he will be shown a " Brady's Look-out."
Brady, I think, was hung at last. And there was one Howe,
who had a wonderful career, living with a native girl whom
he at last murdered because she was not fleet enough of
foot to escape with him, and who was himself at last mur-
dered by a companion. And then there Was one Cash, who
had a long career as a bushranger, and who now lives in
dignified and easy retirement. There is also one Markham,
now carrying on business satisfactorily as a gardener, who
lived for seven years in a retreat he made for himself in the
bush, coming down occasionally and stealing such, articles as
were essential for him, growing a little wheat on a plot round
his cottage, keeping a goat and rearing a few sheep. For
seven years the man lived on in this way, all alone, undis-
covered, sufficing in all things for himself, — except in regard
to those occasional thefts from his nearest neighbour. Then
the solitude became too much for him, and he crept down
to a neighbour's house,- — the squatter from whom he had
been accustomed to steal, — and finding the mistress of the
family, he gave himself up to her in order that the law might
do as it would with him. The squatter, who had been the
man's prey, was an Irish gentleman, with a tender heart,
who felt thankful to the man for not having murdered his
wife and children. Having position and influence he inter-
fered on the man's behalf, and the law was lenient and the
man was pardoned. The story was told to me by the lady
to whom Markham surrendered himself, wild, with long
locks, clothed in a sheepskin, haggard with solitude, tired
out with absolute independence. Now he is a prosperous
grower of apples. What an episode in life for a man to
carry about always in his memory !
There was much of murder and robbery ; much of hanging
and slavery. English settlers to whom convicts were as-
signed of course learned the sweets of slavery. Their
138 TASMANIA.
servants were intelligent beasts of burden, who had only to
be fed, coerced, and made to work. The slave too was not
purchased, and if he died there was no loss. The system of
course was bad, as with our present lights we can see plainly
enough. But though the system was bad, the men who
carried it out did, I think, mainly strive to do so to a good
end. Though one hears much of flogging in Van Diemen's
Land, one hears still more of the excellence of the service
rendered by convicts. Ladies especially are never weary of
telling how good and how faithiul were the females allotted
to them and to their mothers. Indeed it is from the ladies
of the colony that one hears the loudest regrets in regard to
the good things that have now been lost for ever. And
though the ladies are the loudest, men also tell of the excel-
lence of the convicts by whose labour they were enriched
in the old days. Again, on the other hand, the inquirer is
constantly startled by the respectability of career and emi-
nent success of many a pardoned convict. Men who came
out nominally for life were free and earning large incomes
within comparatively few years. Unless a man were recon-
victed he was sure to be made free, having at first a ticket
of leave, which enabled him to work within a certain dis-
trict on his own behalf, and then a conditional pardon, which
allowed him to go anywhere except to England. In the
records of Tasmania, which we have at home, we are told of
the cruelty and sufferings inflicted and endured on both
sides, of the cruelty of masters and of all that their slaves
endured, of the bloodthirsty malignity of bushrangers, and oj
the evils which they perpetrated on the community. Horrors
are always so popular that of course such tales are told the
loudest. Enduring good conduct with good results creates
no sensational enjoyment, and therefore we hear little or
nothing of masters and mistresses so satisfied with the
docility of convicts as to find them superior to free servants,
or of men who have been sent from England as abject,
nameless wretches, who have risen, after a period of penal
service, to opulence, respectability, and almost to honour.
When the establishment was first set on foot in Van
Piemen's Land? not only were convicts sent out to certain
EARLY HISTORY. 139
of the settlers as labourers without hire, but the settlers who
took them had with each convict a grant of land, — so many-
acres for each convict taken. The owner of the slave was
then bound to feed and clothe the man, but was not required
to pay him any wages. That the convicts were sufficiently
fed and clad by their employers I have never heard denied.
Indeed food was so cheap, — or at least meat was so, — that
no deficiency in this respect was probable. Nor, as far as I
can learn, were the men overworked. No doubt the amount
of labour performed by them daily was less than that ordi-
narily given by free labourers. But absolute submission was
required from them, — that absolute touch-your-hat-and-look-
humble submission which to this day is considered necessary
among soldiers. They were to give implicit obedience, and
masters accustomed to implicit obedience and absolute sub-
mission are apt to become arbitrary. And the scourge,
when it is in use, recommends itself strongly to those who
use it. The system could not but be evil. Then,— after
some years, wages of £g per annum were required from the
masters for each man, — out of which the men found their
own clothes. This was a great improvement in the con-
dition of the convicts, as they were thus enabled to own
property and to exercise some of the rights of free men.
At the same time they had awarded to them the privilege of
leaving their masters if they chose, and of going on to the
public works. This was a privilege which was but seldom
exercised, as private work and private rations and private
discipline were always better than the work and rations and
discipline of the public gangs. But it was something for a
man who could not endure a master to be able to shake
that master's yoke from his neck.
In different parts of the island, as the public works de-
manded, large stations were built for those employed. There
were various of these stations on the route from Launceston
to Hobart Town, where the men were kept while they con-
structed the road. They were built of stone, aM the ruins
of them are still to be seen on the roadside. Here also
resided wardens and gaolers and flagellators, and I fancy
that life in the gangs was generally very much worse than
140 TASMANIA.
life in private service. The streets and roads about Hobart
Town were made after this fashion, and many of the public
buildings were put up by the convicts. The traveller is
astonished at the neatness and excellence of these works in
Hobart Town till he learns by degrees what it was that con-
vict labour in old days did for a convict establishment.
And there was a third mode of bestowing the convicts in
Tasmania which was, — and indeed is, for it still remains, — •
the most remarkable of the three. There were men who
could neither be sent out as private servants, or even trusted
to work in gangs, — men for whom a prison home was needed.
A prison home also was needed for the new coiners, as to
whom in the first months of their service solitary confine-
ment and good discipline were a part of the bad bargain
they had made for themselves. This pi;'ur ^ Y^"1" a while
established at Port Arthur, a peninsulr*1 naiJcl: ti:ie.he main-
land by a neck of land only a few X ° c^ee'and has
been, I think, in many respects the ri^rmc';^ Mable, as it
is probably the most picturesque, priso? earirJFi'shment in the
world. It is still in operation, as a certam proportion of old
English convicts are yet in durance, and I shall therefore
speak of it in the next chapter. Now it is altogether under
colonial control ; but it has been so only for a year or two.
The transfer was, I think, finally made in 1870, till which
time Port Arthur was an imperial establishment. Perhaps
no spot on the globe has been the residence during the last
sixty years of greater suffering or of guiltier thoughts.
The system of transportation as carried on in Van Die-
men's Land no doubt was bad. It was bad to stain with the
crime of so many criminals a community which must neces-
sarily be in itself so small. It could never have been hoped
that the population of Van Diemen's Land could swallow
up so large a body of English criminals as would be sent
thither, without becoming a people especially noted for its
convict element. And yet it was never intended that Van
Diemen's I .aid should be devoted to convicts, as was Nor-
folk Island, and as is the little spot of land called Spike
Island in the Cove of Cork. And the portioning out of
convicts to settlers to be employed as labourers was bad ;
s
EARLY HISTORY. 141
for it created a taste fir slavery which has not yet lost its
relish on the palate of many Tasmanians. A certain amount
of harshness and bitter suffering was, no doubt, incidental
to it. But I do not believe that men became fiends under
its working. The fiends came out ready made, from En
land, and were on the whole treated with no undue severity
Of course there were exceptions, — and the exceptions have
reached the public ear much more readily than has the true
history. Nevertheless the people rebelled against the system,
■ — or rather repudiated it with such strength, that the govern-
ment at home was at last forced to give way.
In 1853 Van Diemen's Land ceased to receive convicts,
and in 1856, following the example of her elder and younger
sisters on the Australian continent, she went to work with
a representative government of her own. There had been
considerable difference of opinion between the colony and
the mother country. The convict establishment was very
convenient to us. We all know well how hard of solution
is the question of the future disposition of the man against
whom a judge has with great facility pronounced a sentence
of penal servitude for a certain term of years. Whither
shall we send our afflicted brother ? Our depots at home
are small and easily crowded. Van Diemen's Land in this
respect was convenient, and was at first hardly thought to
have a voice loud enough to make itself heard. The gover-
nor of the day, Sir William Denison, did what he could to
save the thing. But the people were in earnest and they
prevailed.
Up to that time the colony had no doubt prospered.
Wool, the staple of all the Australian colonies, had been
grown with great profit in the island. It was from Van
Diemen's Land that the district now called Victoria had
been first supplied with sheep. It was found that almost
every plant and almost every animal that thrives in England
could be acclimatized in an island whose climate is only a
little warmer than that of England, and a little more dry.
It became known in the East for its breed of horses, for its
whale fishery, — which was pre-eminently successful, — for its
wheat and oats, and especially for its fruit. It could supply
U2 TASMANIA.
all Australia with fruit if only all Australia could be made
to take it. For a time the markets were at any rate good
enough to secure wealth. Men in Van Diemen's Land
became rich, and both Launceston and Hobart Town were
prosperous boroughs. Schools were general, hospitals were
established, the institutions of the colony generally were ex-
cellent. Van Diemen's Land had not indeed a great repu-
tation. It had a name that seemed to carry a taunt in
men's ears. Bat it was prosperous and fat; and, unless
when the bushrangers were in ascendency, the people were
happy. Such was their history up to 1856, when transpor-
tation had been abolished and representative government
was commenced. Now the Tasmanians declare themselves
to be ruined, and are not slow to let a stranger know that
the last new name given to the island is that of " Sleepy
Hollow." When the stranger asks the reason of this ruin,
he is told that all the public money has gone with the con-
victs, and that — the rabbits have eaten up all the grass.
The rabbits, like the sheep, have been imported from
Europe, and the rabbits have got ahead of the sheep. " If
it was not that this is Sleepy Hollow," they say, " we should
stir ourselves and get rid of the rabbits. But it is Sleepy
Hollow, and so we don't."
CHAPTER II.
PORT ARTHUR.
When it had been decided between the mother country
and the colony that transportation to Van Diemen's Land
should be at an end, the colonial Houses of Parliament
petitioned the Queen that the name might be changed, — so
that the convict flavour and the convict odour attached to
the old sound might be banished ; and the Queen of course
assented. Hence has sprung in the catalogue of our colo-
nies the name of Tasmania, as pretty as any that we have,
but to my ears somewhat fantastic. In New South Wales,
with its enormous area, and in the absence of any sea
barriers by which convicts could be hemmed in, the traveller
does not at present hear much about convicts. They have
wandered away whither they would. Now and then good-
natured reference is made, in regard to some lady or gentle-
man, to the fact that her or his father was " lagged," and
occasionally up in the bush a shepherd may be found who
will own to the soft impeachment of having been lagged
himself, — though always for some offence which is supposed
to have in it more of nobility than depravity. But in Tas-
mania the records are recent, fresh, and ever present. There
is still felt the necessity of adhering to a social rule that
no convict, whatever may have been his success, shall be
received into society. " But if he should be a member of
the Assembly?" I asked. Well, yes, my informant acknow-
ledged that there would be a difficulty. There are occa-
sions on which a member of the Assembly may almost
demand to be entertained, — as a member of the House of
144 TASMANIA.
Commons has, I imagine, almost a right to dine with the
Speaker. It is not only that men and women in Tasmania
do not choose to herd with convicts, but that they are on
their guard lest it might be supposed that their own existence
in the island might be traced back to the career of some
criminal relative.
In the meantime, though a new name sweet as a rose has
been invented, the odour and the flavour have not as yet
quite passed away. A certain number of convicts are at
work on the public domain in Hobart Town, but they are
always the convicts of the island, — men who have received
their sentences for deeds done in Tasmania. At the extreme
south-west of the island, — in a peninsula called by the name
of Tasman, which is all but an island, — is maintained a
station called Port Arthur, and there are at present kept as
many as remain of the old English exiles. With them are
a portion of the convicts of the island. For those who
were sent out from England, England still pays the cost of
maintenance, amounting to ^36 jgs. Zd. per annum for
each man under sentence, and something less for lunatics
and paupers. Of these the great majority are now either
paupers or lunatics, who would be free were they able to
earn their own bread. England also pays, and will, by
agreement, continue to pay for some further term of eight
or nine years, a lump sum of £6,oco per annum towards
the general police expenses, which were commenced on
behalf of the mother country. When an English convict,
who has had a conditional pardon, is reconvicted, he is
maintained at the expense of the colony if reconvicted after
a period of six months of freedom ; — but at the expense of
England if within that period. And so the convict system
is dying out in Tasmania, and will soon be extinct, and at
last the odour and the flavour will be gone.
I visited Port Arthur, and was troubled by many reflec-
tions as to the future destiny of so remarkable a place. It
is in a direct line not, I believe, above sixty miles from
Hobart Town, but it can hardly be reached directly. The
way to it is by water, and as there is no traffic to or from
the place other than what is carried on by the government
J'ORT ARTHUR. 145
for the supply of the establishment, a sailing schooner is
sufficient, — and indeed more than sufficiently expensive.
In this schooner I was taken under the kind guidance of
the premier and attorney-general of the island, who were
called upon in the performance of their duties to inspect
the place and hear complaints, — if complaints there were.
We started at midnight, and as we were told at break of
day that we had made only four miles down the bay, I
began to fear that the expedition would be long. . But the
wind at last favoured us, and at about noon we were landed
at Tasman's peninsula in Norfolk Bay, and there we found
the commandant of the establishment and horses to carry
us whither we would. We found also a breakfast at the
policeman's house, of which we were very much in want.
Tasman's peninsula, which has been held entire by the
Crown for the purposes of the convict establishment, is an
irregularly formed piece of land about twenty-five miles long
and twelve broad, indented by various bays and creeks of
the sea, very hilly, covered with primeval gum-tree forest,
and joined on to the island by a very narrow neck of sand.
Port Arthur, where are the prisons, is about nine miles from
Norfolk Bay; but our first object was to visit the neck, —
called Eagle Hawk Neck, — partly for the sake of the
scenery, and partly because the neck is guarded by dogs,
placed there to prevent the escape of the convicts. I had
heard of these dogs before I visited Tasmania, but I had
thought that they were mythic. There, however, I found
them, to the number of fifteen, chained up in their appointed
places at and near the neck. The intention is that they
should bark if any escaped prisoner should endeavour to
swim at night across the narrow arm of sea which divides
the two lands. In former days they used to be employed
in hunting the men down. I doubt whether they are now
of any service. They are allowed regular rations, one
pound of meat and one pound of flour a day per dog ; and
I found the policemen stationed at the Neck very loud in
their assurances that the business could not be carried on
without the dogs. The policemen also have rations, — some-
what more than that of the dogs, though of the same kind;
L
146 TASMANIA.
and it struck me that to the married men who have families
in the neighbourhood, the rationed dogs might be service-
able.
The scenery at this spot is very lovely, as the bright
narrow sea runs up between two banks which are wooded
down to the water. Then we went farther on, riding our
horses where it was practicable to ride, and visited two
wonders of the place, — the Blow-Hole, and Tasman's Arch.
The Blow-Hole is such a passage cut out by the sea through
the rocks as I have known more than one on the west coast
of Ireland under the name of puffing-holes. This hole did
not puff nor blow when I was there ; but we were enabled
by the quiescence of the sea to crawl about among the
rocks, and enjoyed ourselves more than we should have
done had the monster been in full play. Tasman's Arch, a
mile farther on, is certainly the grandest piece of rock con-
struction I ever saw. The sea has made its way in through
the roclcs, forming a large pool or hole, some fifty yards
from the outer cliffs, the descent into which is perpendicular
all round ; and over the aperture stretches an immense
natural arch, the supports or side pillars of which are per-
pendicular. Very few even now visit Tasman's Arch ; but
when the convict establishment at Port Arthur comes to an
end, as come to an end I think it must, no one will ever see
the place. Nevertheless it is well worth seeing, as may
probably be said of many glories of the earth which are
altogether hidden from human eyes.
On the following day we inspected the prisons, and poor-
house and lunatic asylum and farm attached to the prisons ;
■ — for there is a farm of well-cleared land, — seventy or eighty
acres under tillage, if I remember rightly; and there is a
railway for bringing down timber and firewood. The whole
was in admirable order, and gave at first sight the idea of an
industrial establishment conducted on excellent commercial
principles. The men made their own shoes and clothes
and cheeses, and fed their own pigs, and milked their own
cows, and killed their own beef and mutton. There seemed
to be no reason why they should not sell their surplus pro-
duce and turn in a revenue for the colony. But prisons
PORT ARTHUR. 14?
never do turn in a revenue, and this certainly was no excep-
tion to the rule.
I found that there were altogether 506 persons, all males,
to be looked after, and that no less than 97 men were em-
ployed to look after them. Of these 25 were officers, many
of whom were in receipt of good salaries. There was the
commandant, and the Protestant chaplain, and the Roman
Catholic chaplain, and the doctor, and the doctor's assistant,
and the postmaster, forming with their wives and families
quite a pleasant little society, utterly beyond reach of the
world, but supplied with every comfort, — unless when the
wind was so bad that the government schooner could not
get round to them. These gentlemen all had houses too.
I was hospitably received in one, that of the commandant,
which, with its pretty garden and boat-house, and outlook
upon the land-locked bay of the sea, made me wish to be
commandant myself. There would have been nothing
peculiar in all this, except the cleanness and prettiness of
the place, were it not that it must apparently all come
to an end in a few years, and that the commandant's house
and the other houses, and all the village, and the prisons,
and the asylum, and the farm, and the church, will be left
deserted, and allowed to fall into ruins. I do not know
what other fate can be theirs. Tasmania will not maintain
the place for her own prison purposes when there is an end
of the English money ; — and for other than prison purposes
no one will surely go arid live in that ultima Thule, lovely
as are the bays of the sea, and commodious as may be
the buildings.
Of the 506 men to be looked after, 284 belonged to
England, and 222 to the colony. Of the 506, 234 only
were efficient for work; and of this latter number only 39
were English convicts. It will be understood that the
lingering English remnants of transported ruffianism would
by this time consist chiefly of old men unfit for work.
There were 146 English paupers, — convicts who have served
their time, but who would be unable to support themselves
if turned out, — and there were ten invalids who would return
to their convict work when well. There were also 89
148 TASMANIA.
lunatics, of whom only four were still under sentence. With
506 men to be looked after, 97 officers and constables to
look after them, and with only 234 men able to do a day's
work, it may well be imagined that the place is not self-
supporting. Its net cost is, in round numbers, ^20,000;
of which, in round numbers again, England pays one-half
and the colony the other. It was admitted that when
the English subsidy was withdrawn,- — for in fact England
does pay at present ^6,000 a year for general expenses
over and above her contribution per man to the establish-
ment at Port Arthur, — that when this should be discon-
tinued, Port Arthur must be deserted.
The interest of such an establishment as this of course
lies very much in the personal demeanour, in the words,
and appearance of the prisoners. A man who has been all
his life fighting against law, who has been always controlled
but never tamed by law, is interesting, though inconvenient,
— as is a tiger. There were some dozen or fifteen men, —
perhaps more, — whom we found inhabiting separate cells,
and who were actually imprisoned. These were the heroes
of the place. There was an Irishman with one eye, named
Doherty, who told us that for forty-two years he had never
been a free man for an hour. He had been transported for
mutiny when hardly more than a boy, — for he had enlisted
as a boy, — and had since that time received nearly 3,000
lashes ! In appearance he was a large man and still power-
ful,— well to look at in spite of his eye, lost as he told us
through the misery of prison life. But he said that he was
broken at last. If they would only treat him kindly, he
would be as a lamb. But within the last i'ew weeks he
had escaped with three others, and had been brought back
almost starved to death. The record of his prison life was
frightful. He had been always escaping, always rebelling,
always fighting against authority, — and always being flogged.
There had been a whole life of torment such as this ; forty-
two years of it ; and there he stood, speaking softly, arguing
his case well, and pleading while the tears ran down his
face for some kindness, for some mercy in his old age. " I
have tried to escape ; — always to escape," he said, — " as a
PORT ARTHUR. 149
bird does out of a cage. Is that unnatural ; — is that a great
crime?" The man's first offence, that of mutiny, is not one
at which the mind revolts. I did feel for him, and when he
spoke of himself as a caged bird, I should have liked to
take him out into the world, and have given him a month of
comfort. He would probably, however, have knocked my
brains out on the first opportunity. I was assured that he
was thoroughly bad, irredeemable, not to be reached by any
kindness, a beast of prey, whose hand was against every
honest man, and against whom it was necessary that
every honest man should raise his hand. Yet he talked
so gently and so well, and argued his own case with such
winning words ! He was writing in a book when we entered
his cell, and was engaged on some speculation as to the
tonnage of vessels. " Just scribbling, sir," he said, " to
while away the hours."
There was another man, also an Irishman, named Ahern,
whose appearance was as revolting as that of Doherty was
prepossessing. He was there for an attempt to murder his
wife, and had been repeatedly re-tried and re-convicted.
He was making shoes when we saw him, and had latterly
become a reformed character. But for years his life had
been absolutely the life of a caged beast, — only with inci-
dents more bestial than those of any beast. His gaolers
seemed to have no trust in his reformation. He, too, was a
large powerful man, and he, too, will probably remain till he
dies either in solitary confinement or under closest surveil-
lance. In absolute infamy he was considered to be without
a peer in the establishment. But he talked to us quite
freely about his little accident with his wife.
There was another remarkable man in one of the solitary
cells, whose latter crime had been that of bringing abomin-
able and false accusations against fellow-prisoners. He
talked for awhile with us on the ordinary topics of the day
not disagreeably, expressing opinions somewhat averse to
lonely existence, and not altogether in favour of the im-
partiality of those who attended upon him. But he gave us
to understand that, though he was quite willing to answer
questions in a pleasant, friendly way, it was his intention
ISO TASMANIA.
before we left him to make a speech. It was not every day
that he had such an audience as a prime minister and an
attorney-general, — not to speak of a solicitor-general from
another colony who was with us also, or of the commandant,
or of myself. He made his speech, — and I must here
declare that all the prisoners were allowed to make speeches
if they pleased. He made his speech, — hitching up his
parcel-yellow trousers with his left hand as he threw out his
right with emphatic gesture. I have longed for such ease
and such fluency when, on occasions, I have been called
upon to deliver myself of words upon my legs. It was his
object to show that the effort of his life had been to improve
the morals of the establishment, and that the commandant
had repressed him, actuated solely by a delight in wicked-
ness. And as he made his charge he pointed to the com-
mandant with denouncing fingers, and we all listened with
the gravest attention. I was wondering whether he thought
that he made any impression. I forget that man's name
and his crime, but he ought to have been a republican at
home, and should he ever get out from Port Arthur might still
do well to stand for a borough on anti-monarchical interests.
But of all the men the most singular in his fate was
another Irishman, one Barron, who lived in a little island
all alone ; and of all the modes of life into which such a man
might fall, surely his was the most wonderful. To the
extent of the island he was no prisoner at all, but might
wander whither he liked, might go to bed when he pleased,
and get up when he pleased, might bathe and catch fish, or cul-
tivate his little flower-garden, — and was in very truth monarch
of all he surveyed. Twice a week his rations were brought
to him, and in his disposal of them no one interfered with
him. But he surveyed nothing but graves. All who died
at Port Arthur, whether convicts or free, are buried there,
and he has the task of burying them. He digs his graves,
not fitfully and by hurried task-work, but with thoughtful
precision, — having one always made for a Roman Catholic,
and one for a Protestant inmate. In this regularity he was
indeed acting against orders, — as there was some prejudice
against these ready-made graves ; but he went on with his
PORT ARTHUR. 151
work, and was too valuable in his vocation to incur serious
interference. We talked with him for half an hour, and
found him to be a sober, thoughtful, suspicious man, quite
alive to the material inconveniences of his position, but not
in the least afflicted by ghostly fear or sensational tremors.
He smiled when Ave asked whether the graves awed him, —
but he shook his head when it was suggested to him that he
might grow a few cabbages for his own use. He could eat
nothing that grew from such soil. The flowers were very
well, but a garden among graves was no garden for vege-
tables. He had been there for ten years, digging all the
graves in absolute solitude without being ill a day. I asked
him whether he was happy. No, he was not happy. He
wanted to get away and work his passage to America, and
begin life afresh, though he was sixty years old. He pre-
ferred digging graves and solitude in the island, to the
ordinary life of Port Arthur ; he desired to remain in the
island as long as he was a convict; but he was of opinion
that ten years of such work ought to have earned him his
freedom. Why he was retained I forget. If I remember
rightly, there had been no charge against him during the
ten years. " You have no troubles here," I said. " I have
great troubles," he replied, " when I walk about, thinking
of my sins." There was no hypocrisy about him, nor did
he in any way cringe to us. On the contrary, he was quiet,
unobtrusive, and moody. There he is still, living among
the graves, — still dreaming of some future career in life,
when, at last, they who have power over him shall let him go.
Of the able-bodied men the greatest number are at work
about the farm, or on the land, or cutting timber, and seem
to be subject to no closer surveillance than are ordinary
labourers. There is nothing to prevent their escape, —
except the fact that they must starve in the bush if they
do escape. There is plenty of room for them to starve in
the bush even on Tasman's peninsula. Then when they
have starved till they can starve no longer, they go back to
the damnable torment of a solitary cell. None but spirits
so indomitable as that of the man Doherty will dare to repeat
the agonies of escape above once or twice.
152 TASMANIA.
There was a man named Fisher dying in the hospital,
who had been one of those who had lately escaped with
Doherty, and had, indeed, arranged the enterprise, and had
gotten together the materials to form a canoe to carry them
off. Before they started he had been possessed of ;£io,
which, — so the officers said, — he had slowly amassed by
selling wines and spirits which he had collected in some
skin round his body, such wine and spirits having been
administered to him by the doctor's orders, and having been
received into the outer skin instead of taken to the comfort
of the inner man. This, it was supposed, he had sold to
the constables and warders, and had so realised £10. Now
he was dying, — and looked, indeed, as he lay on his bed,
livid, with his eyes protruding from his head, as though he
could not live another day. But it was known that he still
had three of the ten sovereigns about him. " Why not
take them away?" I asked. "They are in his mouth, and
he would swallow them if he were touched." Think of the
man living, — dying, with three sovereigns in his mouth,
procured in such a way, for such a purpose, over so long a
term of years ; — for the man must have been long an invalid
to have been able to sell for ^10 the wine which he ought
to have drunk ! What a picture of life ; — what a picture of
death ; — the man clinging to his remnant of useless wealth
in such a fashion as that !
In the evening and far on into the night the premier was
engaged in listening to the complaints of convicts. Any
man who had anything to say was allowed to say it into
the ears of the first minister of the Crown, — but all of course
said uselessly. The complaints of prisoners against their
gaolers can hardly be efficacious. So our visit to Port
Arthur came to an end, and we went back on the next day
to Hobart Town.
The establishment itself has the appearance of a large,
well-built, clean village, with various factories, breweries,
and the like. There is the church, as I have said, and
there are houses enough, both for gentle and simple, to
take away the appearance of a prison. The lunatic asylum and
that for paupers have no appearance of prisons. Indeed the
PORT ARTHUR. 153
penitentiary itself, where the working convicts sleep and live,
and have their library and their plays and their baths, is not
prison-like. There is a long street, with various little nooks
and corners, as are to be found in all villages, — and in one
of them the cottage in which Smith O'Brien lived as a convict.
The place is alive, and the eye soon becomes used to the
strange convict garments, consisting of jackets and trousers,
of which one side is yellow and the other brown. If it
were to be continued, I should be tempted to speak loudly
in praise of the management of the establishment. But it
is doomed to go, and, as such is the case, one is disposed
to doubt the use of increased expenditure.
All those whom I questioned on the subject in Tasmania
agreed that Port Arthur must be abandoned in a few years,
and that then the remaining convicts must be removed to
the neighbourhood of Hobart Town. If this be done there
can hardly, I think, be any other fate for the buildings than
that they shall stand till they fall. They will fall into the
dust, and men. will make unfrequent excursions to visit the
strange ruins.
CHAPTER III.
HER PRESENT CONDITION.
It is acknowledged even by all the rival colonies that of all
the colonies Tasmania is the prettiest. This is no doubt
true of her as a whole, though the scenery of the Hawkesbury
in New South Wales is, I think, finer than anything in
Tasmania. But it may be said of the small island that, go
where you will, the landscape that meets the eye is pleasing,
whereas the reverse of this is certainly the rule on the
Australian continent. And the climate of Tasmania is by
far pleasanter than that of any part of the mainland. There
are, one may almost say, no musquitoes. Other pernicious
animals certainly do abound, but then they abound also in
England. Everything in Tasmania is more English than is
England herself. She is full of English fruits, which grow
certainly more plentifully and, as regards some, with greater
excellence than they do in England. Tasmanian cherries
beat those of Kent, — or, as I believe, of all the world,- — and
have become so common that it is often not worth the
owner's while to pull them. Strawberries, raspberries,
gooseberries, plums, and apples are in almost equal abun-
dance. I used in early days to think a greengage the best
fruit in the world ; — but latterly, at home, greengages have
lost their flavour for me. I attributed this to age and an
altered palate ; but in Tasmania I found the greengages as
sweet as they used to be thirty years ago. And then the
mulberries ! There was a lady in Hobart Town who sent
us mulberries every day such as I had never eaten before,
and as, — I feel sure, — I shall never eat again. Tasmania
PRESENT CONDITION. 155
ought to make jam for all the world, and would do so for all
the Australian world were she not prevented by certain
tariffs, to which I shall have to allude in the next chapter.
Now the Australian world is essentially a jam-consuming
world, and but for the tariffs Tasmania could afford to pick,
and would make a profit out of, the cherries and raspberries.
And this is not the only evil. The Victorians eat a great
deal of jam. No one eats more jam than a Victorian
miner, — unless it be a Victorian stock-rider. But they eat
pumpkin jam flavoured with strawberries, — and call that
strawberry jam. The effect of protection all the world over
is to force pumpkin jam, under the name of strawberry jam,
down the throats of the people.
The Tasmanians in their loyalty are almost English-mad.
The very regret which is felt for the loss of English soldiers
arises chiefly from the feeling that the uniform of the men
was especially English. There is with them all a love of
home, which word always means England, — that touches
the heart of him who comes to them from the old country.
" We do not want to be divided from you. Though we did
in sort set up for ourselves, and though we do keep our own
house, we still wish to be thought of by Great Britain as a
child that is loved. We like to have among us some signs
of your power, some emblem of your greatness. A red coat
or two in our streets would remind us that we were English-
men in a way that would please us well. We do not wish
to be Americanised in our ways and thoughts. Well, — if
we cannot have a red-coated soldier we will at any rate have
a mail-guard with a red coat, after the old fashion, and a
mail-coachman with a red coat, and a real mail-coach." And
they have the mail-coach running through from Launceston
to Hobart Town, and from Hobart Town to Launceston,
not in the least like a Cobb's coach, as they are in the other
colonies, but built directly after that ancient and most
uncomfortable English pattern which we who are old
remember; — and they have the coachman and the guard
clothed in red, — because red has been from time immemorial
the royal livery of England.
Launceston is a clean, well-built town, and does most of
156 TASMANIA.
the importing and exporting business of the island. It is
on the north side of the island, and therefore within easy-
reach from Melbourne, with which port most of the business
of Tasmania is done,— exclusive of the export of wool. It
has no look of decay, in spite of the evil things that are said,
and at any rate appears to prosper. The scenery round
Launceston is not equal to that at Hobart Town, but there
are one or two very pretty walks, — noticeably those up the
hill over the waterfall whence the visitor looks down upon the
South Esk, which there is as pretty as the Lynn at Linton.
An English farmer hearing of land giving 60 bushels of
oats to the acre, averaging over 40 lbs. the bushel, would
imagine that the owner of such land ought to do well, — ■
especially if he knew that the same crop could be raised on
the land year after year. But yet land growing such crops
will not give a rent, or even a profit, to the combined land-
owner and farmer of ioj. an acre. The corn has to be sent
into Launceston, and will not fetch when there above 2s. a
bushel, — or 16s. a quarter. Now oats in England, at that
weight, range I believe from 30J. to 34^. a quarter. With
us the wages of rural labourers are us., 12s., or 14J. a week,
according to the county or district. In the part of Tasmania
of which I am speaking, men were receiving ^30 per annum
wages, with rations, consisting of 10 lbs. of meat, 10 lbs. of
flour, 2 lbs. of sugar, and J lb. of tea per week, worth 7s. a
week. They also had cottages if married, or house-room if
single, — and some extra sums of money were given to them at
harvest time, — ^3 or £4, — to secure their services. This
altogether, would be worth 20s. or 21s. a week; — whereas
living is generally cheaper to the working man in Tasmania
than in England. The result is that the labourers are able
to pay, and as a rule do pay, 6d. a week each for the schooling
of their children. The labourer does well, — but the farmer
makes but a poor profit out of his tilled land. It should be
explained that on the farms which I visited,— and which
belonged to a family of brothers, cousins, and uncles, —
everything was done with the best implements brought out
from England, and that manure was used. Hitherto the
use of manure in tillage is not common in any of the
PRESENT CONDITION. 157
colonies. It is thought to be more profitable to take what
the land will give and then to leave it for awhile than to
carry manure to it. Gradually, however, they who are most
deeply concerned in agriculture find that there must soon
be an end to a system such as this. In the district of which
I am speaking wheat was subject to rust, which is the great
scourge of the Australian farmer. The price of wheat in
Launceston was 4s. 3d. to 4s. 6d. a bushel ; but my friend
told me that it would pay him better to send his wheat to
London than to sell it in the colony, and that he intended
to do so.
I found that ordinary day-labourers throughout the colony
were getting 4-r. a day without rations, or on an average
from gs. to ioj. a week with rations and house accommoda-
tion. The men without rations would of course be employed
with less certainty of duration than those hired as permanent
hands with rations. Journeymen carpenters, masons, plas-
terers, wheelwrights, and the like, were getting 6s. 6d. a
day; domestic men-servants ^30 per annum with board
and lodging, and female servants about ^20. I found also
that all provisions were cheaper than in England, or as
cheap : bacon 8d. a pound ; butter is. to is. 6d. ; bread
$$d. the 2 lb. loaf; beer, brewed in the colony and very
good, 2S. the gallon ; mutton ^d. a pound ; beef 6d. ; sugar
4ld. a pound ; coffee, is. 2d. ; tea 2s. ; potatoes ^3 a ton.
I am afraid that domestic details may not be very interesting
to general readers, but they may serve to afford to some
intending emigrant an idea of the fate which he would meet
in Tasmania.
I must say of this colony, as I have and shall say of all
the others, that it is a paradise for a working man as com-
pared with England. The working man can here always
eat enough food, can always clothe and shelter himself, and
can also educate his children. His diet will always com-
prise as much animal food as he can consume, — and if he
be a sober, industrious man he will never find himself long
without work. Tasmania is no doubt at present not popular
with the young Tasmanian working man, because the search
for gold has not hitherto been prosperous in Tasmania. The
IS8 TASMANIA.
young men go off to Victoria, though it may be doubtful
whether they improve either their comfort or their means by
the journey. A miner in Victoria will earn from js. to 8s. a
day ; — the average wages were js. 6d. when I was at Sand-
hurst ; but to earn that a man must be a miner. He must
lose time in going in quest of his work, and cannot always
readily find it. And when he has got it, and has learned to
be a miner, and is in receipt of 45^. a week, he lives hard in
order that he may gamble in gold speculation with all that
he can save. I think that the labourer in Tasmania has the
best of the bargain : but the desire for gold is so strong, and
the chances of fortunate speculation are so seductive, that
the young men of the island colony are gradually drawn
away.
Of males, there were in the island in 1870, in round
numbers, 27,000 under twenty years of age; — only 10,800
between twenty and forty, and 11,500 between forty and
sixty. These figures prove that the male population has by
far too great a proportion of old and of young for thorough
well-being and a wholesome condition. Of females, there
were 25,000 under twenty, the number of the girls as com-
pared with that of the boys giving one evidence among
many of the fact that the male progeny in Australia is more
numerous than the female,— a rule which applies to horses,
sheep, and cattle as well as to the human race. Between
twenty and forty there were 12,000 women, who thus beat
the men during that, the strongest, period of life, by 1,200;
and between forty and sixty there were only 7,000 women,
sinking below the number of men for the same period by
4,500. What becomes of the old women in Tasmania I
cannot say. Between sixty and seventy there are 3,200
men, and only 1,200 women. I cannot suppose that after
a certain time of life the Tasmanian women go to the dig-
gings. I am almost disposed to think that the statistical
tables of the colony show that ladies in Tasmania do not
give correct records as to their ages. On 31st December,
1870, — and I have no information corrected up to a later
date,- — there were altogether in Tasmania 53,464 males and
47,301 females, — in all 100,765. Since 1870 the increase
PRESENT CONDITION. 759
has been very slight. In 1853, when transportation from
England ceased, the population was 75,000. The colony,
therefore, has not grown as have the other Australian colo-
nies,— not as Queensland, which began her career as an
independent colony in 1859 with 18,000 inhabitants, and
had 115,000 in 1870. But even in Tasmania there has been
a steady increase, though the increase during the last few
years has been small.
The road from Launceston to Hobart Town is as good
as any road in England, and is in appearance exactly like
an English road. It was made throughout by convicts, and
was manifestly made with the intention of being as like an
English road as possible. The makers of it have perfectly
succeeded. When it passes through forest land, — or bush, — ■
the English traveller would imagine that there was a fox
covert on each side of him. There are hedges too, and the
fields are small. And there are hills on all sides, very like
the Irish hills in county Cork. Indeed it is Ireland rather
than England to which Tasmania may be compared. And,
as I have said before, English, — or Irish, — coaches run
upon the road ; a night mail-coach, with driver and guard
in red coats, and a day coach with all appurtenances after
the old fashion. I found their pace when travelling to be
about nine miles an hour. We went by the mail-coach as
far as Campbelltown, — a place with about 1,600 inhabitants,
which returns a member to parliament, and has a municipal
council, four or five resident clergymen, a hospital, an agri-
cultural association, and a cricket-club. Quite a place !—
as the Americans say. When I asked whether it was pros-
perous, my local friend shook his head. It ought to be the
centre of a flourishing pastoral district. It is the centre of a
pastoral district, which is not flourishing, — because of the
rabbits. This wicked little prolific brute, introduced from
England only a few years ago, has so spread himself about,
that hardly a blade of grass is left for the sheep ! But why
not exterminate him, or at least keep him down ? I asked
the question with thorough confidence that the energies of
man need not succumb to the energies of rabbits. I was
told that the matter had gone too far, and that the rabbit
160 TASMANIA.
had established his dominion. I cannot, however, but
imagine that the rabbit could be conquered if Tasmania
would really put her shoulder to the wheel.
We passed a place called Melton, at which a pack of
hounds was formerly kept, — so called after the hunting
metropolis in Leicestershire ; and as I looked around I
thought that I saw a country well adapted for running a
drag. Foxes, if there were foxes, would all be away into
the mountains. They used to hunt stags, but I should have
thought that the stags would have taken to the hills. But
the hunting had belonged to the good old prosperous con-
vict days, and had passed away with other Tasmanian
glories. At Bridgewater, within ten miles of Hobart Town,
there is a magnificent causeway over the Derwent, about a
mile long, which was of course built by convict labour, and
which never would, — in Tasmania never could — have been
made without it.
Hobart Town, the capital of the colony, has about 20,000
inhabitants, and is as pleasant a town of the size as any
that I know. Nature has done for it very much indeed, and
money has done much also. It is beautifully situated, — as
regards the water, — placed just at the point where the river
becomes sea. It has quays and wharves, at which vessels
of small tonnage can lie, in the very heart of the town.
Vessels of any tonnage can lie a mile out from its streets.
It is surrounded by hills and mountains, from which views
can be had which would make the fortune of any district in
Europe. Mount Wellington, nearly 5,000 feet high, is just
enough of a mountain to give excitement to ladies and
gentlemen in middle life. Mount Nelson is less lofty, but
perhaps gives the finer prospect of the two. And the air of
Hobart Town is perfect air. I was there in February, — the
height of summer, — having chosen to go to Tasmania at that
time to avoid the great heat of the continent. I found the
summer weather of Hobart Town to be delicious. And
there were no musquitoes there. I have said something
about Australian musquitoes before. They were not so bad
as I had expected ; but in certain places they had been
troublesome, — especially at Melbourne. But I knew nothing
PRESENT CONDITION. 161
of them in Hobart Town. Other living plagues there were
plenty in Tasmania, — no doubt introduced, as were the
rabbits, with the view of maintaining the general likeness to
England. All fruits which are not tropical grow at Hobart
Town and in the neighbourhood to perfection. Its cherries
and mulberries are the finest I ever saw. Its strawberries,
raspberries, apples, and pears are at any rate equal to the
best that England produces. Grapes ripen in the open air.
Tasmania ought to make jam for all the world, and would
make jam for all the Australian world, were it not for Aus-
tralian tariffs. Tasmanian jams would probably come to
England if Tasmania could import Queensland sugar free
of duty. As it is, fruit is so plentiful that in many cases it
cannot be picked from the trees. It will not pay to pick it!
So much in regard to the gifts bestowed by nature upon
the capital of Tasmania. Art, — art in the hands of con-
victs,— has made it a pretty, clean, well-constructed town,
with good streets and handsome buildings. The Govern-
ment House is, I believe, acknowledged to be the best
belonging to any British colony. It stands about a mile
from the town, on ground sloping down to the Derwent, —
which is here an arm of the sea, and lacks nothing neces-
sary for a perfect English residence. The public offices,
town-hall, and law courts are all excellent. The supreme
court, as one of the judges took care to tell me, is larger
than our Court of Queen's Bench at Westminster. The
Houses of Parliament are appropriate and comfortable with
every necessary appliance. They are not pretentious, nor
can I say that the building devoted to them is handsome.
There is a Protestant bishop of course, and a cathedral, —
which a stranger, not informed on the subject, would mis-
take for an old-fashioned English church in a third or fourth
rate town. I was told that it is tumbling down ; but a very
pretty edifice is being erected close by its side. The work
is still unfinished and funds are needed. Perhaps a generous
reader might send a trifle.
From Hobart Town various expeditions may be made
which amply repay the labour. I have already told how I
went to Port Arthur. I was very anxious to get to Lake
M
162 TASMANIA.
St. Clair, but did not succeed. Lake St. Clair is nearly in
the middle of the island, — somewhat towards the west, or
wilder part of it, — in County Lincoln, and is, I was informed,
wonderfully wild and beautiful. It was described to me as
another Killarney, but without roads. The beauty, too, I
was told, could be well seen only from a boat, and there
was no boat then on the lake. I found that I could not
compass it without devoting more time than I had to spare,
— and I did not see Lake St. Clair. I went up the Der-
went to New Norfolk and Fenton Forest, and across from
Hobart Town to the Huon River and a township called
Franklin, finding the scenery everywhere to be lovely. The
fern-tree valleys on the road to the Huon are specially so,—
and in one of these I was shown the biggest tree I ever saw.
I took down the dimensions, and of course lost the note. It
was quite hollow, and six or seven people could have sat
round a table and dined within it. It was a gum-tree, bigger
I imagine in girth, though not so tall as that which I de-
scribed as having been found in Victoria, near the road from
Woods Point to Melbourne. The River Huon is a dark,
black, broad stream, running under hanging bushes, —
very silent and clear, putting me in mind of the river in
Evangeline.
On the Upper Derwent, in the neighbourhood of New
Norfolk, where the river Plenty joins the Derwent, there are
the so-called Salmon Ponds. Now these salmon ponds are
a matter of intense interest in Tasmania, and very much
skill and true energy have been expended, — and no slight
amount of money also, — in efforts to introduce our river
fish, especially the trout and salmon, into Tasmanian waters.
In reference to trout the success has been perfect. The
quantity in the rivers is already sufficient to justify the
letting of fishing licenses at 20s. a year, and men who know
how to fly-fish can get excellent sport. I have seen trout
six and seven pound weight, and have eaten I think better
trout in Tasmania than ever I did in England. In regard
to salmon I can only say that there has as yet been no suc-
cess. No one has as yet caught a Tasmanian salmon, though
there are stories about of salmon having been seen. The
PRESENT CONDITION. 163
man who catches the first salmon will be entitled to ^30
reward.*
Mr. Allport, of Hobart Town, a gentleman who has
taken pains with the subject, and who thoroughly under-
stands it, is confident of success. He gave me reasons to
show how it is that the salmon should take much longer than
the trout to establish themselves, and to prove that there
was as yet no reason for a faint heart on this great matter.
Mr. Allport's enthusiasm was catching, and I found myself
ready to swear, after hearing him, that there must be salmon.
Some other great scientific authority has declared, — thinks I
believe that he has proved, — that it is impossible that there
should be a salmon in Tasmania. It is a great question. I
myself, in my ignorance, lean to Mr. Allport's side altogether,
because I had the advantage of knowing Mr. Allport. I
was only told of the adverse great authority. But the trout
are a fact. I ate them again and again, with great satisfac-
tion. I do not doubt that before long, with true Australian
fecundity, they will sv arm in Tasmanian rivers.
In this part of the Island, — the part of which New Norfolk
is the centre, about twenty-four miles up the Denvent from
Hobart Town, — hops have lately been introduced with suc-
cess. They grow with . great luxuriance, and bear heavily.
It is, indeed, hard to find anything that will not flourish in
Tasmania, — except wheat, which seems in the Australian
colonies generally to be of all crops the most hazardous.
Everywhere one hears of rust. The stalk becomes hard, red,
and thick under the influence of the sun, and then the grain
is either not produced at all, or "is a withered, shrivelled
atom, giving no flour. Respecting the hops, I asked
whether that at any rate was not a profitable enterprise. It
would be, I was told, but for the damnable Victorian tariffs
which had been invented with the primary object of ruining
Tasmania, — of bringing her so low that, to escape absolute
ruin, she should be forced to annex herself to her big and
cruel sister. That is the Tasmanian creed, and it is one not
altogether unfounded on facts. It must be understood that
* Since these words were first published the first salmon has, I am
informed, been caught, and the reward given.
i(J4 TASMANIA,
Victoria is the natural market for Tasmanian produce. Set-
ting wool aside, which almost as a matter of course goes to
England, and which constitutes above a third of the total
exports from the colony, we find that nearly three-fourths of
its surplus produce is shipped for Victoria. This is done in
the teeth of the terrible Victorian tariffs, and we may there-
fore be sure that the proportion would be much greater, and
the produce sent very much more extensive, if the Victorian
markets were open. Permission to sell her produce in Mel-
bourne is the one thing necessary to ensure prosperity to Tas-
mania. This refers to almost everything she produces, — to
flour, wheat, oats, barley, fruit, jam, vegetables, cheese, butter,
hides, and horses. I always take delight in reminding a Vic-
torian,— who is a jam-loving creature, — that he is obliged to
eat pumpkin jam, a filthy mixture just flavoured with fruit,
because of the tariff by which he protects the fruit-grower of
Victoria, — who after all can't grow fruit. I know that this
will bring down wrath on my head, because fruit is grown in
Victoria, — very fine fruit, which I have seen and eaten. And
how shall I be believed when with the same breath I warm
my fingers and cool them ; — when in the same paragraph I
declare that the fruit is grown and is not grown ? Money
and care no doubt will produce fruit in Victoria ; — but even
Victorian shearers and Victorian miners cannot afford to eat
jam made from costly fruits. Over in Tasmania fruit is
rotting, — fruit as fine as any that the world can produce, — ■
because it is thought expedient to protect the Victorian
raspberry. Oh, my Victorian friend, deluging your unfor-
tunate inwards with pumpkin trash, it grieves me to think
that the madness of this protection will not make itself
apparent to you, till your taste will have been polluted and
your digestion gone ! You will, I fear, never live to learn
what comforts, what luxuries, what ample bounties the rich
world will give to him who will go out freely and buy what
he wants in the cheap markets ; — or how great, how fiendish,
how unnatural is the injury done by him who won't let
others go out and buy ! In the meanwhile Tasmania sits
pining because she cannot sell her fruit, — cannot sell her
hops.
PRESENT CONDITION. 165
Wool is at present the staple of this colony, — as of all the
others. But pastoral interests do not prosper here as they
do in the four great colonies on the continent. Although com-
paratively so small a portion of the land has been bought from
the Crown, — less than four million out of a total of nearly
seventeen million acres, — very few flocks are pastured on runs
leased from the Crown. There are altogether in Tasmania
1,350,000 sheep; and of these all but about 100,000 are
pastured on purchased lands. In 1870 the sum derived by
the colony from leases was only ^7,210. In 1853 it
amounted to very nearly ^30,000. No doubt this has been
caused by the sale of lands which had before been let ; but
the fact shows that it has not been found expedient to take
up new lands for pastoral purposes, nor is it worth the wool-
grower's while to do so. By far the greatest portion of the
island is unfit even for pastoral purposes, — is too rough, too
inaccessible, too rocky, and too heavily timbered. The
grasses used for wool are not there,— or if there cannot be
reached.
I must not misuse the colony by omitting to say a word
of her gold-fields. She has gold-fields, — especially that at
Fingal. I believe I shall hardly be wrong in saying that
there is no other to which it is necessary to call special atten-
tion. But even on the Fingal gold-digging, very much has
not yet been done. The young men of Tasmania who run
to gold-rushes seek their fortunes beyond the island. Never-
theless, gold that pays has been found in the north-eastern
part of the colony, and it may be that even yet Tasmanian
rushes will come into fashion.
The form of government in Tasmania is very much the
same as in the other colonies. There is a " Legislative
Council " or Upper House, and an " Assembly," which is
the Lower House. The governor of course is king, and is
politically irresponsible. The Council is elected, and goes
out by rotation, each man sitting for six years. The As-
sembly is elected for three years. In the latter manhood
suffrage is the rule, — it being necessary that a man should be
twenty-one years old, and have resided for a certain number
of months in his district. For the Legislative Council there
1 66 TASMANIA.
is a property qualification. Votes are of course taken by
ballot. The chambers were not sitting when I was in Tas-
mania, and I was informed that they do not sit on an
average above two months in the year. Legislation in the
colony is undemonstrative and unexciting. But I think that
a quiet common sense prevails which makes it unnecessary
that a Tasmanian should blush when he compares the legis-
lative doings in his parliament with the work of any other
colony.
It strikes an Englishman with surprise to find repeated in
so smail a community as that of Tasmania all the fashions
of government with which he has been familiar at home,
but which, while he has acknowledged them to be good and
serviceable for their required purposes, he has felt to be
complex and almost confused, — and which he has known to
have been reached not by concerted plan, but by happy
accident, or rather by that arranging of circumstances which
circumstances effect for themselves, when the intentions of
men in regard to them are honest and high-minded. When
a ministry at home is in a minority on any important sub-
ject,— any subject as to which the ministry has pledged
itself, — the ministers resign in a body, and the Queen, at
the advice of the outgoing premier, sends for that premier's
chief political enemy. If that enemy, on assuming power,
finds that the majority which brought him there will not
support him while he is there, he — goes to the country. A.
new House of Commons is elected, and as that House may
have a bias this way or that, this or that political chieftain
becomes the Queen's adviser. The system is complex, and
very difficult to be understood by foreigners. Even Ameri-
cans find it difficult of comprehension. We call it con-
stitutional, but it is written nowhere. There is no law
compelling the beaten minister to resign. There is no law
compelling the monarch to send for a perhaps unpalatable
politician. There is no standard by which the importance
of measures can be measured, — so that a man may say, On
this measure a beaten minister will retire ; but in regard to
that measure a ministry, though beaten, may hold its ground.
But by those who attend to politics at home the working of
PRESENT CONDITION. 167
the thing is understood, and the system has become con-
stitutional. No minister could live who would put himself
into direct opposition to it, let his genius and statesmanship
be what they might. Nor could any sovereign oppose it,
and continue to be a sovereign in England. The system is
supported by no law, but by a general feeling which is
stronger than all laws, — and that general feeling of what is
expedient makes, and builds up, and alters from time to
time the political arrangement of public matters which
we call our constitution. We understand, not accurately
indeed, but after some fashion, this slow growth, and gra-
dually self-arranging political machinery among ourselves at
home who are an old people. But it is very singular that
the same system should have been adopted with com-
placency,— almost without thought, — by our democratic
children. The Australian colonies claim to govern them-
selves in everything, to make what laws they please, to have
what public ministers they choose, to spend what money
they think right, — to be bound to the mother country only
by their loyalty to the Crown. They do choose their own
ministers, and give them what name they like. In one
colony they have a colonial secretary, in another a chief
secretary. In one colony it is reckoned that this secretary
must be, and in another that he only may be, the head of
the government. One colony delights to call its minister
the premier, another taboos the name altogether. One
colony has seven cabinet ministers, another six, another
five. Tasmania has only four, one of whom has neither
portfolio nor salary. In these matters they independently
make their own arrangements. But the system under which
ministers go out and come in, dissolve parliament, and live
upon majorities, — under which the governor is advised by
the retiring chieftain to send for the then popular rising
star, — even though he, the governor, should think the then
popular rising star to be the most inefficient and dangerous
man in the colony, — is the exact copy of our political con-
stitutional system at home.
The revenue in Tasmania amounts to about ^220,000 a
year, and the expenditure has been a little higher. I do
1 68 TASMANIA.
not give the exact sum, because the figures before me will
be an old story before this is published. The public debt
amounts to ^1,328,000, which includes a sum of ^400,000
advanced to the Launceston and Deloraine Railway. The
taxation only just exceeds £2 a head, and cannot therefore
be regarded as heavy. There is a separate land fund,
which is burdened with expenses incident to the land. The
amounts received for sale and leases of crown lands are
expended on the land or on public works, so that no abso-
lute revenue is thus received.
CHAPTER IV.
FUTURE PROSPECTS.
That Tasmania is going gradually to the mischief seems to
be the fixed opinion of Tasmanian politicians generally.
That such a belief as to one's country should not be accom-
panied by any personal act evincing despair, has been the
case in all national panics. English country gentlemen
have very often been sure of England's ruin ; but I have
never heard of the country gentleman who, in consequence
of his belief, sold his estate and went to live elsewhere.
Speculative creeds either in politics or religion seldom prove
their sincerity by altered conduct. Modern prophets have
more than once or twice named some quick-coming date
on which the world would end ; but the prophets have
made their investments and taken their leases seemingly in
anticipation of a long course of future years. So it is in
Tasmania. Even they who are most unhappy as to the
state of things live on comfortably amidst the approaching
ruin. What the stranger sees of life in the island is very
comfortable. The houses are well built, and are kept in
good order. The public offices are clean, spacious, and
commodious. The public garden is large, and, for so small
a place, well kept and handsome. The inns are fairly good,
as also are the shops. I here speak both of Hobart Town
and Launceston, the only two towns in the colony. Hobart
Town in round numbers has 20,000 inhabitants, and Laun-
ceston 1 [,000. But they have the appearance of large and
thriving cities much more than have towns with a. similar
population in England. Nevertheless, the Tasmanians ac-
1 70 TASMANIA.
knowledge it to be the fact that Tasmania is going to the
mischief.
_ The loudest grumblers declare that the ruin is to be found
rifest in the rural districts, among the country folk and poor
people. Hobart Town, they say, is kept alive by visitors
who flock to it for the summer months from the other
colonies ; and Launceston has whatever relics of prosperous
trade the island still possesses. The people in the rural
districts, they say, are generally so poor that they can with
difficulty live. I have, however, already stated how infi-
nitely superior is the condition of the Tasmanian labourer
to that of his brother at home in England.
No doubt, however, there are grounds for grumbling ; or
it might be more just to say that there is cause for appre-
hension. Though Tasmania is as yet only seventy years
old, as a country inhabited by white men, and, being still
in its early youth, it should be yearly laying up new blood
and new bone in the shape of increased population. It is
not doing so. For some years past there has been no
increase of which the colony can boast. During four years,
from 1866 to 1870, the total increase was 403. As 340
emigrants, chiefly German, were brought into the colony in
1870 by a system of bounties, — a number so small as to
show that the effort was a failure, — it must be acknowledged
that those immediate attractions which give increased popu-
lation to a young colony have departed from it. And the
grumblers are justified also by the condition of trade gene-
rally. In 1 86 1 the eight chief articles exported from Tas-
mania were as follows : —
^■326,000
82,000
81,000
Sperm oil . .
• • •
59,000
Timber . .
• •
55.°°°
Fruit (including jams) .
. . •
50,000
Horses
• • •
42,000
Flour „«,„,,
• • •
39,000
4-734,000
FUTURE PROSPECTS. 171
In 1870 the amounts were altered as follows : —
Wool
Wheat
Oats
Sperm oil .
Timber
Fruit (including jams)
Horses
Flour . .
,£246,000
15,000
56,000
33,000
37,000
84,000
5,000
11,000
£487,000
These figures show a decrease in every article except
fruit; a total decrease of ^247,000, — or, in round numbers,
about one-third, — and a decrease of ^120,000 in corn and
flour alone. No doubt for so small a community such a
falling off is very serious, and justifies apprehensions. Such
a diminution in the supply of wheat would lead to the fear
that the colony would soon fail to feed itself with flour and
grain, did not we know that the exportation of these articles
from Tasmania had been stopped by the Victorian tariffs.
As long as Victoria charges gd. a hundredweight on the
importation of all grain, Tasmania will be shut out from the
market which is nearest to her,— indeed, from the only
foreign market to which she has hitherto been able to sell
her produce other than wool.
In regard to wool, which is still the staple of the colony,
and as to which the above figures show the greatest decrease,
the circumstances admit of a certain amount of explanation.
The weight of the wool exported in 1870 was as great as
that produced in 1861, — indeed, something greater; and
the fall in the figures is due to the depreciation in value, —
which, as all persons interested in the Australian colonies
are aware, has again risen very greatly since the crop of
1870 was sold. And, again, the time of shearing, which
varies according to circumstances of the year, threw over a
portion of the wool of 1870 to the sales of 1871. It appears
that in 1868 the amount of Tasmanian wool sold was
6,136,426 lbs.; in 1869, 5,607,083 lbs. ; and in 1870, only
4,146,913 lbs. The great difference apparent between 1868
1 72 TASMANIA.
and 1870 was caused by the later shearing of the latter year,
and therefore does not show, as it might seem to do, any
serious decay in the pastoral interest of the colony.
In respect to the other articles enumerated, — -especially
in regard to cereal produce, — there is evidence of decay
where especially there should be increasing life ; and it is of
extreme importance that they who are interested not only in
this colony, but in the Australian colonies generally, should
inquire and understand how it has come to pass that in a
land so gifted as Tasmania, — in a land more fitted by climate
for English emigrants than, I believe, any other on the face
of the earth, — in a land that might flow with milk and
honey, in a country possessing harbours, rivers, and roads, —
things should already be going from bad to worse, instead
of from good to better. The convict system no doubt
brought with it much of evil for which it must answer, — as
also many advantages with which it should be credited.
The profuse expenditure of government money, and the use
of what may be called slave labour, no doubt had a tend-
ency to paralyze the energies of the settlers. The condition
produced was unwholesome, and such unwholesomeness
clings long. But the Tasmanians themselves understood
this, and got rid of the thing. The convict flavour is quickly
passing away from them ; and though a certain lack of
vitality among some classes may still be due to the condition
of a convict settlement as I have endeavoured to describe
it, Tasmania will gradually throw off that disease as New
South Wales has already done. But there are other diseases
which she cannot throw off, — or rather there is another
cause for disease of which she cannot rid herself, — as long
as the existing unnatural position of the Australasian colo-
nies towards each other in regard to commerce remains
unaltered. I will state here the populations of the colonies
roughly : —
Victoria has 750,000 souls.
New South Wales 500,000 „
South Australia .... 185,000 ,,
Queensland . . . 120,000 ,,
Tasmania ,,,,,« ioo,ooq s,
FUTURE PROSPECTS. 173
Western Australia .... 25,000 souls.
New Zealand 250,000 „
Putting aside New Zealand, — which, however, is quite as
much interested in the matter as the others, — we find that
they are like so many English counties, or, as the area is
very large, like so many American states, contiguous to each
other, speaking the same language, having the same or
similar interests, connected in and out by joint properties,
joint families, and joint names, attached to the same mother
country, having nothing but a name to mark their borders.
There is indeed no such dissimilarity of interests as between
Lancashire and Wiltshire, for wool is the staple produce of
each of them. There is no such cause of disruption as
between the Southern and Northern States of America, — •
no dissimilarity of character as between the Eastern and
Western States. They are at least as much one people as are
the inhabitants of the dominion of Canada. They are much
more one people than were the various German nationalities
who had found it to be impossible not to bind themselves
together by a customs union, even before Prussia had bound
them together politically. They are all English ; — and not
a law can be passed by them without the assent of an Eng-
lish minister or his deputy. And yet they levy customs duties
among each other as do the various nations of Europe ; — or
rather as did the various nations of Europe before the prin-
ciple of free-trade had been efficacious in liberating a single
branch of commerce.
It is not my purpose here to discuss free trade, or to
attempt to prove its beneficent action. I am content in
my humble way to point out that people who reject free
trade must be content to eat pumpkin mixture and call it
strawberry jam. Those of my readers who are still in
favour of protecting home industry by duties on imported
goods will not be converted by me. In regard to the great
majority of my countrymen I may take it for granted that
on this matter we are of one opinion. The question here
is not one of free trade ;— but of free trade between the
Australian colonies, which may be accompanied by any
amount of protection by them all against the outside world.
174 TASMANIA.
It is as though we should have discussed the expediency of
border customs between Lancashire and Yorkshire at a time
in which we levied duties on silks from France and Italy.
There was a question among us then, — a much-vexed ques-
tion,— as to the imposition of duties on foreign articles ; but
no man would have been listened to for a moment who
would have proposed border customs between our counties
at home. Such a man would have been simply insane.
The man who should do so in America with regard to the
different states would be equally so. The German Zollverein
showed what was the feeling of Germany generally in the
matter. But the Australian colonies still act against each
other as though they were separate nations.
And they are forbidden by the English law as it at pre-
sent stands to do otherwise, — though the English govern-
ment has more than once offered to the colonies its sanction
for the abolition of the absurdity in the gross. As the law
stands at present any British colony, and therefore any one
of the Australias, may levy what taxes and what customs
duties it thinks fit to levy ; but it cannot levy differential
duties. New South Wales for instance may put what duty
it shall please on sugar ; — but it cannot receive Queensland
sugar free of duty and charge a duty on sugar from the
Mauritius or from Cuba. And yet there is no more than a
nominal border-line between the two colonies, the two
places being as closely joined as any two English counties.
Victoria may receive wheat free from all the world ; but she
cannot receive wheat free from South Australia, with which
she borders as Yorkshire does with Lancashire, unless she
receive it free also from all the world. The law has been so
fixed in order that no dependency of Great Britain should
be able to sin against that free-trade policy by which Eng-
land professes to regulate her dealings with foreign countries.
Differential duties may, no doubt, be levied with the express
view of injuring the trade of an especial country; and if
England binds herself not to commit the injury, it is intel-
ligible that she should bind her dependent colonies to the
same extent.
But England has in point of fact abandoned the principle
FUTURE PROSPECTS. 17s
in regard to intercolonial trade ; — not because it is felt that
the principle is not as applicable to the colonies as to Eng-
land, but on the conviction that Australia in regard to trade
must and should be regarded as one whole, — as is the
Canadian dominion, as are the United States, as were the
German kingdoms when Germany was politically divided.
A reference to the population of the colonies, to their
geographical position and affinities, to their joint interests,
to their real oneness as a people, convinces the merest tyro
in political economy of the absurdity of border duties be-
tween them, — almost equally of the absurdity of duties levied
from port to port. On the 15th July, 1870, the Secretary
of State for the Colonies wrote the following circular to the
different Australian governors : —
" Sir, — I think it important to ensure that the governors of the
Australian colonies should not misunderstand the views of Her Majesty's
government with regard to intercolonial free trade.
"The different colonies of Australia are at present, in respect of
their customs duties, in the position of separate and independent
countries. So long as they remain in that relation, a law which
authorised the importation of goods from one colony to another on
any other terms than those applicable to the imports from any foreign
country would be open, in the view of Pier Majesty's government, to
the objection of principle which attaches to differential duties.
"But Her Majesty's government would not object to the establish-
ment of a complete customs union between the Australian colonies,
whether embracing two or more contiguous colonies, or,' — which would
be preferable, — the whole Australian continent with its adjacent islands.
If any negotiations should be set on foot with this object you are at
liberty to give them your cordial support.
(Signed) *' Kimberley."
I cannot think that any one will read this without agree-
ing with Lord Kimberley, though probably most who do so
would express their agreement in stronger terms, as to the
present condition of Australian customs duties than it would
suit a Secretary of State to use. But this proposition on
the part of Lord Kimberley altogether abandons the ques-
tion as to differential duties between the colonies. If there
were an Australian customs union New South Wales would
get Queensland sugar free of duty, but might still charge
what duty it pleased on Cuban sugar. Victoria would
176 TASMANIA.
import free wine from New South Wales, — which she does
largely, — and free wine from South Australia, and free hops
from Tasmania ; but would still put what duties she pleased
on French wines, and Chilian wheat, and English hops.
And this permission would be given, not because English
statesmen have gone back in their opinion about differential
duties, — but because the maintenance of hostile trade in-
terests between communities so bound together as are these
colonies is a worse evil than the semblance of differential
duties which would thus be allowed to exist.
But the colonies are not ready for a customs union. Three
of them, Tasmania, South Australia, and New Zealand, have
expressed a general concurrence ; — others a qualified con-
currence. Victoria is the greatest sinner in the matter, —
being for the time wedded to protection in all its deformity.
In the meantime permission has been asked by certain of
the colonies, — and notably by Tasmania, on whose behalf
the matter has been argued with great vigour by her minister,
Mr. Wilson, — that they should be allowed to arrange their
intercolonial customs without reference to the duties charged
on extra-colonial articles, — and that they should be permitted
to do this, as a measure paving the way to a customs union.
This permission has been refused them, and I must acknow-
ledge that in the correspondence which has taken place on
the subject I think that the Tasmanian statesman gets the
better of Downing Street. I give in an Appendix, No. 3, — -
as they are too long for insertion in the text, — Lord Kim-
berley's circular dispatch on the subject, dated 13th July,
1 87 1 ; and Mr. Wilson's memorandum in answer to it.
We cannot prevent the colonists from entertaining pro-
tectionist principles, — cannot go back to a condition of
things which would enable the mother country to dictate to
the colonies on the subject. Universal suffrage undoubtedly
assists protection. The fabricator of any article sees that a
•tax on that article when imported will force the world around
him to use the article home-made, and that then his peculiar
labour will be fostered and protected. If foreign boots be
made dear by a tax, the local bootmaker can get 5.5-. a pair
for making boots; but if foreign boots be sold cheap, he
FUTURE PROSPECTS. 177
cannot get above 3J. 6d. The Victorian farmer, — a very
small man usually, — thinks that he cannot grow wheat and
live if wheat from Adelaide be admitted to the markets on
the same terms as his own wheat. Men learn so much
quickly. The lesson is acquired on the first aspect of the
matter. The consequent evil results to these shallow pupils
in having to pay double for goods which they consume and
do not produce, requires a deeper insight into matters, and
an insight accompanied by some calculation, before it pro-
duces a conviction. At home, in England, the working
man is certainly not superior in intelligence to his Australian
brother, but he is subjected in his political instincts and
inquiries to higher and, I must say, to more honest influ-
ences. I cannot bring myself to believe that he is generally
made to understand great political truths, but he is made to
believe that this or that politician is a safe political guide,
and he votes accordingly. And on one subject, which is to
him of all the most important, — the subject of food, — he
has been made to understand that free trade means a cheap
loaf. In Australia food is plentiful, and the labourer feels com-
paratively little solicitude on this subject. Each man wishes
to protect from competition that which he himself makes.
The Victorian, in his wisdom, desires to give nothing out
of his store to any fellow-labourer from South Australia or
from Tasmania ; — "at any rate to give as little as possible.
He therefore is a protectionist ; — and the would-be minister
of the day is a protectionist because he wants the labourer's
vote.
It is thus that protection has become rife, and we cannot
cure the evil suddenly by any order to be given, or by any
permission to be refused. The ordinary educated traveller
in the colonies, — getting into the society which will fall
naturally in his way,- — will find that almost every person he
meets is opposed to protection. But everybody will tell him
at the same time that protection cannot be abolished. The
voters like it, and the voters are omnipotent. There is a
variation in the feeling in the various colonies ; — but this is
the general state of the colonial mind on the subject. If it
be so, it should, I think, be the object of governments at
N
1 78 TASMANIA.
home to develop as far as possible all operations which will
tend in the first place to create intercolonial free trade.
The existing state of things has the double evil, — the first
natural evil of impeding trade and of impoverishing every-
body concerned ; and the further evil of fostering rivalries
and hostilities between people who are in fact one and the
same. That a general customs union would, of all steps in
the right direction, be the greatest and the wisest there can
hardly be a doubt. To me it seems to be almost equally
clear that any measure tending to abolish customs duties
between the colonies would be a step towards a customs
union. Let New South Wales be enabled to take free sugar
from Queensland, and Queensland will take fruit on the
same terms from New South Wales. The condition of the
colonies makes it obvious that there should be no customs
levied between them.
Poor little Tasmania is straining every nerve to obtain the
privilege of sending her produce for the consumption of her
sister colonies, especially of Victoria, without which privilege
she cannot continue to exist. The value of the exports
from any country are, or should be, but small in comparison
with the value of the produce consumed at home ; — but the
smaller the country is, the more certain is the ruin entailed
upon it by prohibition from selling its goods in an outside
market.
Its condition becomes such as that would be of a small
wheat-growing English county debarred from selling its
wheat beyond its own confines. The richness of its own
produce would become its own greatest burden. Industry
and energy would naturally disappear. A large population
with diverse employments, producing all, or nearly all, that
it wants, can live in such a condition, though the life would
be a bad life ; — but a small community would be as were
Robinson Crusoe and his man Friday, wanting almost all
that man requires, though overladen with much 'plenty.
There is a remedy at hand for the injury which Tasmania
now suffers, — but it is a remedy which she cannot adopt
without soreness of heart, without dishonour, without self-
annihilation. She can become a part of Victoria, and then
FUTURE PROSPECTS. 179
the Victorian markets will be open to her. Let her implore
Victoria to take her, and then she will be able to sell her
wheat and her oats, her fruit and her jam, her hops and her
horses at Melbourne. " You had better do it," the Vic-
torian says to the Tasmanian. " It will come at last."
Men in Tasmania are beginning to feel that perhaps they
had better do it, though the idea is odious to them. It is
impossible that this island ever should be amalgamated with
the big continental colony on equal terms. Were the
arrangement made on seemingly equitable terms, on terms
fixed in accordance with the population, Tasmania would
send to the Victorian legislature one Tasmanian for every
eight Victorians, — or thereabouts ; and the men so sent
would have to remain in Melbourne for eight or nine
months of parliamentary work. This small minority would
be almost voiceless among their louder brethren, and it
would soon come to pass that Tasmanians would not go
there. Tasmania would be represented by Victorians, to
whom she would have to pay the salaries which Victorian
legislators now receive. Hobart Town would no longer be
a seat of government. Some judge would come there on
periodical visits as often as Victorian generosity would permit,
and that judge would be Victorian. The little colony would
be handed over, bound hand and foot, to her strong-fisted
sister, and there would be the end of all her glories. The
reader will perhaps feel that these are simply sentimental
objections, and will say that the material advantages to be
gained would more than compensate them. But sentimental
grievances are of all grievances the heaviest to bear, and the
material advantages are only those which the colony has a
right to expect without any sacrifice of her honour.
Such a change of things would be detrimental not only to
Tasmania, but to all Australia generally. I have suggested
in a former paragraph that a general federal union of these
colonies info one nationality will take place sooner or later.
Such I believe to be the opinion of almost all who have
thought upon the subject. But nothing will tend so much
to delay this result as the special greatness and supe-
riority in population and wealth of any one colony. The
180 TASMANIA.
big colony will think twice before it will admit the little
colony to equal terms with it. There was much generosity
on foot when Virginia and New York united themselves
with Rhode Island, and a great patriotic idea was urgent in
the breasts of great patriots. Among the Australian colonies
each colony recognises with astonishing accuracy its own
position in wealth and population. Victoria is even now
much the biggest. Were Tasmania to become a part of
Victoria, I fear that the difficulty of forming, first, a customs
union and then a political federal union, would become
greater even than it is at present.
It is to be presumed that such amalgamation could not
be effected without the consent of the government at home,
and that the matter is one as to which a Secretary of State
would feel himself justified in refusing his consent on the
ground of general policy. If there is to be an Australian as
well as a Canadian dominion, or rather a union of states, — ■
for such must be the condition rather than the other, — it
will be more easily effected with many than with a few.
Before that day shall arrive, there will probably be a
northern colony in Queensland, and a further division from
New South Wales in the direction of the big rivers. And
there will be a northern territory in that which is all now
called South Australia, with a capital at Port Darwin. I
trust that thefairest and prettiest and pleasantest of all the
colonies will not then have been absorbed, so that the name
of Tasmania shall be absent from the roll of Australian
States.
APPENDIX.
Appendix No. I., page 87.
Regulations under which free-selections of Land can be tnade in
Victoria, taken from MacPhaiWs Australian Squatting Directory.
For Crown lands, not being lands included in any city, town, or
borough, licenses to occupy for a period of three years, at a rental ot
2S. per acre per annum, any such license not to be for more than 320
acres, may be granted by the Governor to any person applying and
paying half a year's rent in advance for such allotment.
Applications for licenses may be made on any day during office hours,
personally, to a land officer for the district, and applicants shall at the
time of application deposit half a year's rent of allotment in advance.
Every license shall be issued under the following conditions : — (1.) A
condition for the payment of the fee in advance at half-yearly intervals.
(2.) A condition that the licensee will not, during the currency of such
license, assign the license, nor transfer his right, title, and interest
therein, or in the allotment therein described, or any part thereof, nor
sublet the said allotment or any part thereof, and that the license shall
become absolutely void on assignment of such license, whether by
operation of law or otherwise, or upon the said allotment or any part
thereof being sublet. (3.) A condition that the licensee shall, within
two years from the issue of such license, enclose the land described in
such license with a good and substantial ience, and shall, during the
currency of such license, cultivate at least one acre out of every ten
acres thereof. (4.) A condition annulling the license in case of non-
payment of the fees, or any of them, in accordance with the conditions
herein mentioned, or in case the licensee shall not, within six months
after the issue of the license, and thenceforward during the continuance
of such license, occupy the allotment, or in case substantial and per-
manent improvements certified in writing under the seal of the Board
or under the hands of arbitrators to be of the value oi £1 for every acre
and fractional part of an acre of the allotment shall not have been made
on the allotment, by the licensee, his executors, or administrators,
1 82 APPENDIX.
before the end of the third year from the commencement of the license,
or in case of the breach or non-fulfilment of any of the conditions of the
license, or of a violation of any of the provisions of this Act. (5.) A
condition that if the licensee shall, during the said period, occupy the
allotment for not less than two years and a half, and shall fence and
cultivate as herein provided, and make the improvements of the nature
and value in the previous condition mentioned, on the allotment during
the said period of three years, and shall prove to the satisfaction of the
Board (to be certified under its seal) by such evidence as the Board may
require that he has complied with the said conditions, and with all other
conditions of the said license, he shall be entitled at any time, within
thirty days after three years from the commencement of the license, to
demand and obtain from the Governor a Crown grant, upon payment of
14s. for each acre or fractional part of an acre, or otherwise he may
obtain a lease of the said allotment ; and every such lease shall be for a
term of seven years, at a yearly rent payable in equal parts half-yearly
in advance of 2s. for each acre or fractional part of an acre so demised,
and shall contain the usual covenant for the payment of rent, and a
condition for re-entry on non-payment thereof; and upon the payment
of the last sum due on account of the rent so reserved, or at any time
during the term, upon payment of the difference between the amount of
rent actually paid and the entire sum of ^1 for each acre, the lessee, or
his representatives, shall be entitled to a grant in fee of the lands leased,
and every such grant shall be subject to such covenants, conditions, ex-
ceptions, and reservations as the Governor may direct : Provided that
in the case of the death of the licensee during the currency of such
license it shall not be obligatory on the executors or administrators of
such licensee to comply with the said condition of occupation.
No such license or lease shall give power to any licensee, lessee, or
assignee to search for or to take any metal ; and it is provided that
before any license or lease is issued to any applicant, he shall make a
declaration on oath before a justice, in a form settled by the regulations,
that his application is made in conformity with the provisions of this
Act.
No person shall become the licensee, either in his own name or in
the name of any other person, of any allotment, who shall have
selected, under any previous Land Act, the maximum number of 320
acres allowed under this Act, or who shall have taken up a pre-emptive
right, or shall have made a selection, or whose selection shall have been
forfeited or cancelled for the evasion of any such Act. But a selecter
under any previous Act may take up a sufficient quantity of land to
make up the 320 acres allowed by this Act.
No person shall become the licensee of any allotment who is under
eighteen years of age, or who is a married woman not having obtained
a decree of judicial separation, or who is a trustee, servant, or agent in
respect of the license applied for, or who has entered into any arrange-
ment to permit any other person to acquire, by purchase or otherwise,
the allotment or any part of it, or the applicant's interest in the usufruct
of it, and all land applied for under this Act shall be so applied for
APPENDIX. 183
bond fide for the use and benefit of the applicant in his own proper
person, and not as the agent, servant, or trustee of any other person, on
pain of the forfeiture of the license, and all contracts made in violation
of the Act shall be held to be illegal and absolutely void both at law
and equity.
If it be proved to the satisfaction of the Board within sixty days of
the end of the third year from the commencement of the license that
substantial and permanent improvements of the value of ^1 per acre of
the allotment have been made upon it, in the terms of the condition of
the license, a certificate under the seal of the Board, to that effect, shall
be given to the licensee, his executors or administrators. But if the
Board be not satisfied that such improvements of the value aforesaid
have been made, then such improvements as have been made may be
valued by arbitration, one arbitrator being chosen by the licensee, his
executors or administrators, another by the Board, and a third by the
two arbitrators so chosen ; and such arbitrators, or any two of them,
shall make their valuation in writing within four months after the end
of the third year from the commencement of the license. But if either
party shall neglect to appoint an arbitrator, then the one chosen by the
other party shall have full power to value.
The Board shall, as soon as possible after the last days of June and
December in every year, prepare a list of the names of all persons from
whom fees or rent shall have become due on leases granted under the
Land Act, 1862, or the Amending Land Act, 1865, on leases or
licenses under this part of this Act, and who shall not have paid such
fees or rent, and the days upon which such fees or rent become due,
and such list shall be forthwith published in the "Government Gazette,"
and the insertion in such list of the name of any person from whom
such fees or rent have become due, shall he. prima facie evidence of the
non-payment of such fees or rent, and shall be evidence of notice to the
parties named that their fees or rent are due, and that payment thereof
has been lawfully demanded.
The licensee, the lessee, and assigns of an allotment of land shall
have all the rights against trespassers which at law belong to the owner
in possession of any land, except the right of impounding ; but so soon
as the allotment, or the part of it trespassed on, shall have been
properly fenced, then they shall have that right also.
Holders of licenses of land under any other Act, of which the
licensees shall have been in possession at least two years and a half, if
it be proved to the satisfaction of the Board that they have erected
buildings or other improvements on such lands, and that the conditions
of the license have been complied with, and there be no objections on
account of the ground being auriferous, or other reasons of a public
nature, shall have the exclusive right to purchase the allotment on
which such improvements stand, at a price to be determined by the
Board not to exceed the upset price of the nearest land Sold by the
Crown before the issue of such license, and so much of the rent paid by
the licensee during his possession of the land shall be credited to him
in the purchase money of the said land.
1 84 APPENDIX.
Appendix No. II., page 72.
Melbourne Botanic Garden, 21st February, 1872.
TO CLEMENT HODGKINSON, ESQ., ASSISTANT-COMMISSIONER OF
LANDS AND SURVEY.
Sir, — Referring to your suggestions of the 12th inst., I took the
earliest opportunity of acting upon them, and accordingly, on the 15th
inst., I proceeded to the Watts River, and carefully inspected the
heavily timbered country extending from Mount Monda to Mount
Juliet, also the various spurs and tributaries of the Watts, extending as
high up as the crest of the dividing range and the watershed of the
Goulbourn River.
I have now the honour to report that a very large extent of the above
country is densely timbered with various species of Eucalypti, consisting
principally of Eucalyptus obliqua, E. Amygdalina, and E. Goniocalyx.
Immense numbers of each of the above species have attained gigantic
dimensions, and very much surpass any other species of Eucalypti I
have ever met with in other forests.
On penetrating into many of the secluded spots near the source of the
Watts, and on the spurs of the ranges in the vicinity, I met with large
tracts of valuable timber ; enough to supply all ordinary demands for
many years, if carefully conserved. In many places I observed large
areas where the axe of the splitter is yet unknown, and where the
timber averages from 100 to 150 trees per acre, with a diameter of from
2 ft. to 6 ft., and from 250 ft. to 300 ft. in height, the most of which is
as straight as an arrow, with very few branches.
Some places, where the trees are fewer and at a lower altitude, the
timber is much larger in diameter, averaging from 6 ft. to 10 ft., and
frequently trees of 15 ft. in diameter are met with on alluvial flats near
the river. These trees average about ten per acre ; their size, some-
times, is enormous. Many of the trees that have fallen through decay
and by bush fires measure 350 ft. in length, and with girth in propor-
tion. In one instance I measured with the tape line one huge specimen
that lay prostrate across a tributary of the Watts, and found it to be
435 ft. from its roots to the top of the trunk. At 5 ft. from the ground
it measures 18 ft. in diameter, and at the extreme end where it has
broken in its fall, it is 3 ft. in diameter. This tree has been much burnt
by fire, and I fully believe that before it fell it must have been more
than 500 ft. high. As it now lies it forms a complete bridge across a
deep ravine.
Proceeding from Fernshaw up the Black Spur, some large specimens
of Eucalyptus obliqua and Amygdalina may be seen ; but it is only by
leaving the main road and following some of the splitters' tracks for
several miles higher up the Watts that the forests of fine timber and
large trees are to be found. On some spurs of these ranges, where the
APPENDIX. 185
limber is extra fine in quality, some few trees have been felled by
splitters, but the mountainous nature of the country, and the difficulty
of transport, is so great, it will be many years before much destruction
can be done in this part of the forest.
The number of splitters at present working in these forests is very
limited, and is likely to continue so. In many places they have to carry
their paling and shingles for long distances on pack-horses. The ranges
are so steep that it is a work of much difficulty to convey them to some
accessible spot. However, the splitter in this region seldom meets with
a hollow tree, and he takes care to select such trees only as will turn
out from lo,oco to 20,000 palings, and frequently a much greater
number.
The only destruction at present to be dreaded in these forests is fire.
The scrub is so dense that it is difficult to penetrate far into it, and
frequently fire is used to clear a track, and in its progress makes sad
havoc.
Many of the deep ravines and sides of creeks in this locality abound
with splendid specimens of native beech (Fungus Cunninghamii), some
of which measure upwards of 100 ft. high, with a diameter of trunk
fiom 5 to 8 ft. This limber is of great value, and ought to be strictly
preserved. Great quantities of blackwood (Acacia Melanoxylon), of
large dimensions and fine quality, are everywhere interspersed through-
out these forests, mixed with sassafras trees (Atherosperma Moschatum)
and dogwood (Pomaderris apetala), also of large size. Lomatia
Fraserii also forms a goodly sized tree in the fern-tree gullies, along
with Acacia decurrens, many of which have attained the height of
150 ft., with magnificent straight trunks of from two to three feet in
diameter. The timber of this species is well adapted for staves for
wine casks and other purposes.
Seeing that such large quantities of valuable timber abound in the
valley of the Watts, and on the spurs adjacent, I would respectfully
beg to recommend the reservation of every acre, wherever it would not
interfere with settlement, for, as a whole, the timber in the locality of
the Watts, and ranges adjacent, is of far more value than the land, and
it is rare to find such forests of sound timber in any other part of
Victoria.
I have the honour to be, Sir, your most obedient servant,
William Ferguson, Inspector of State Forests.
APPENDIX.
Appendix No. III., page 176.
CORRESPONDENCE AS TO THE CREATION OF A
CUSTOMS UNION AMONG THE COLONIES.
Circular.
Downing Street, l^thjuly, 1 871.
Sir,
I HAVE had for some time under my consideration Despatches
from the Governors of several of the Australasian Colonies, intimating
the desire of the Colonial Governments that any two or more of those
Colonies should be permitted to conclude agreements securing to each
other reciprocal Tariff advantages ; and reserved Bills to this effect have-
already reached me from New Zealand and Tasmania.
It appears that whilst it is at present impossible to form a general
Customs Union, owing to the conflicting views of the different Colonial
Governments as to Customs Duties, the opinion extensively prevails,
which was expressed at the Intercolonial Conference held at Melbourne
last year, in favour of such a relaxation of the Law as would allow each
Colony of the Australasian Group to admit any of the products or
manufactures of the other Australasian Colonies Duty free, or on more
favourable terms than similar products and manufactures of other
Countries.
At the same time it has not been stated to me from any quarter that
the subject urgently presses for the immediate decision or action of Her
Majesty's Government ; and I trust, therefore, that any delay that may
arise in dealing with it will be attributed to its true cause, namely, to
the desire of Her Majesty's Government to consider the subject delibe-
rately in all its bearings with a view to arrive at such a settlement as
may not merely meet temporary objects, but constitute a permanent
system resting upon sound principles of commercial policy.
The necessary consultations with the Board of Trade and with the
Law Ofiicers have unavoidably been protracted to a late period of the
Session ; and if Her Majesty's Government were satisfied that they
could properly consent to the removal of the restrictions against
Differential Duties, it would not be possible now to obtain for so im-
portant a measure the attention which it should receive from Parliament.
It is by no means improbable that the introduction of a Bill to enable
the Australasian Colonies to impose Differential Duties might raise
serious discussions and opposition both in Parliament and in the
Country, on the ground that such a measure would be inconsistent with
the principles of Free Trade, and prejudicial to the commercial and
political relations between the different parts of the Empire ; and I feel
confident that the Colonial Governments will not regret to have an
opportunity afforded them of further friendly discussion of the whole
subject, after learning the views of Her Majesty's Government upon it,
before any final conclusion is arrived at, I will therefore proceed to
APPENDIX. 187
notice those points which seem to Her Majesty's Government to require
particular examination.
The Government of New Zealand appears from the Bill laid before
the House of Representatives, and from the financial statement of the
Treasurer, to have originally contemplated the granting of special
bonuses to goods imported into New Zealand from the other Australa-
sian Colonies. As, however, this expedient was not eventually adopted,
I am relieved from the necessity of discussing the objections to such a
mode of avoiding the rule against Differential Duties.
The proposal now before me raises the following questions ; viz., — -
1. Whether a precedent exists in the case of the British North
American Colonies for the relaxation of the rule or law now in force.
2. Whether Her Majesty's Treaty obligations with any Foreign
Powers interfere with such relaxation.
3. Whether a general power should be given to the Australasian
Governments to make reciprocal Tariff arrangements, imposing Dif-
ferential Duties, without the consent of the Imperial Government in
each particular case.
4. Whether on grounds of general Imperial policy the proposal can
properly be adopted.
The Attorney-General of New Zealand, in his Report accompanying
the reserved Bill, observes that its main provisions are almost a literal
copy of provisions which have been for some time past in force in
Canada and other North American Colonies ; and I observe that in the
various communications before me the argument is repeatedly pressed
that the Australasian Colonies are entitled to the same treatment in this
respect as the North American Colonies. It may be as well, therefore,
to explain what these provisions actually are.
I enclose extracts from the Acts of Newfoundland and Prince Edward
Island of the year 1856 ; but I need not dwell upon them, because, as
dealing with a limited list of raw materials and produce not imported to
those Colonies from Europe, they are hardly, if at all, applicable to the
present case ; and I shall refer only to the Act passed by the Dominion
of Canada in 1867 (31 Vict. cap. 7), which is the enactment principally
relied upon as a precedent.
Schedule D of this Act exempts from Duty certain specified raw
materials and produce of the British North American Provinces ; and
the 3rd Section enacts, that "any other articles than those mentioned
in Schedule D, being of the growth and produce of the British North
American Provinces, may be specially exempted from Customs Duty by
order of the Governor in Council."
This, which was one of the first Acts of the Legislature of the newly
constituted Dominion in its opening Session, was passed in the expecta-
tion that, at no distant date, the other Possessions of Her Maje^y in
North America would become part of the Dominion ; and the assent of
Her Majesty's Government to a measure passed in circumstances so
peculiar and exceptional cannot form a precedent of universal and
necessary application, — although I am not prepared to deny that the
1 88 APPENDIX.
Australasian Governments are justified in citing it as an example of the
admission of the principle of Differential Duties.
With reference to the second question, as to the existence of any
Treaty the obligations of which might be inconsistent with compliance
by Her Majesty with the present proposal, the Board of Trade have
informed me that this point could only be raised in connection with the
terms of the Treaty between this Country and the Zollverein of 1865,
extended through the operation of the " most favoured nation" Article
to all other countries possessing rights conferred by that stipulation.
The 7th Article of that Treaty, which extends the provisions of
previous Articles to the Colonies and Foreign Possessions of Her
Majesty, contains the following provision : —
"In the Colonies and Possessions the produce of the States of the
Zollverein shall not be subject to any higher or other Import Duties
than the produce of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland
or of any other Country of the like kind." I am advised that this 7th
Article may be held not to preclude Her Majesty from " permitting the
Legislature of a British Possession to impose on articles being the pro-
duce of the States of the Zollverein any higher or other Import Duties
than those which are levied on articles of the like kind which are the
produce of another British Possession, provided such Duties are not
higher or other than the Duties imposed on articles of the like kind
being the produce of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ire-
land."
But, apart from the strict interpretation of the Treaty, it seems very
doubtful whether it would be a wise course on the part of the Australa-
sian Colonies, which both as regards Emigration and Trade have more
extensive relations with Germany than with perhaps any other Foreign
Country, to place German products and manufactures under disadvan-
tages in the Colonial markets.
Proceeding to the third question, whether, if the principle of allowing
the imposition of Differential Duties were conceded, the Colonies could
be permitted to impose such Duties without the express sanction of the
Imperial Government in each particular case, you will be prepared, by
what I have already said, to learn that I consider it open to serious
doubt whether such absolute freedom of action could be safely given.
Her Majesty's Government are alone responsible for the due ob-
servance of Treaty arrangements between Foreign Countries and the
whole Empire : and it would be scarcely possible for the Colonial
Governments to foresee the extent to which the trade of other parts of
the Empire might be affected by special Tariff agreements between
particular Colonies.
It must, moreover, be anticipated that these differential agreements,
being avowedly for the supposed benefit of certain classes of the com-
munity, would be liable to be affected by temporary political circum-
stances. The door having been once opened, each producing or manu-
facturing interest, and even individuals desirous of promoting any new
enterprise, might in turn press for exceptionably favourable treatment
under the foim of Intercolonial reciprocity, while the real grounds for
APPENDIX. 189
such changes as might be proposed would be intelligible only to those
concerned with local politics.
It would appear, therefore, to be by no means clear that Her Majesty's
Government covdd be relieved from the obligation of examining the
particulars of each contemplated agreement, however limited ; and
while it would be very difficult for them to make such an examination
in a satisfactory manner, a detailed inquiry of this kind could hardly fail
to be irksome to the Colonies, and to lead to misunderstandings.
It remains for me, lastly, to ask how far it is expedient, in the interests
of each Colony concerned, and of the Empire collectively, that the Im-
perial Parliament should be invited to legislate in a direction contrary
to the established commercial policy of this country.
Her Majesty's Government are bound to say that the measure pro-
posed by the Colonial Government seems to them inconsistent with
those principles of Free Trade which they believe to be alone per-
manently conducive to commercial prosperity ; nor, as far as they are
aware, has any attempt been made to show that any great practical
benefit is expected to be derived from reciprocal Tariff arrangements
between the Australasian Colonies.
At all events I do not find anywhere among the papers which have
reached me those strong representations and illustrations of the utility
or necessity of the measure which I think might fairly be expected to
be adduced as weighing against its undeniable inconveniences.
It is, indeed, stated in an Address before me that the prohibition ot
differential Customs treatment " operates to the serious prejudice of the
various producing interests of the Australian Colonies." I understand
this and similar expression's to mean that it is desired to give a special
stimulus or premium to the Colonial producers and manufacturers, and
to afford them the same advantage in a neighbouring Colony over the
producers and manufacturers of all other parts of the Empire and of
Foreign Countries as they would have within their own Colony under
a system of Protective Duties. What is termed reciprocity is thus in
reality protection.
It is, of course, unnecessary for me to observe that, whilst Her
Majesty's Government feel bound to take every proper opportunity of
urging upon the Colonies, as well as upon Foreign Governments, the
great advantages which they believe to accrue to every country which
adopts a policy of Free Trade, they have relinquished all interference
with the imposition by a Colonial Legislature of equal duties upon
goods from all places, although those duties may really have the effect
of protection to the native producer.
But a proposition that in one part of the Empire commercial privi-
leges should be granted to the inhabitants of certain other parts of the
Empire to the exclusion and prejudice of the rest of Her Majesty's sub-
jects, is an altogether different question; and I would earnestly request
your Government to consider what effect it may have upon the relations
between the Colonies and this country.
Her Majesty's subjects throughout the Empire, and nowhere more
than in Australasia, have manifested on various occasions of late their
190 APPENDIX.
strong desire that the connection between the Colonies and this Country
should be maintained and strengthened ; but it can hardly be doubted
that the imposition of Differential Duties upon British produce and
manufactures must have a tendency to weaken that connection, and to
impair the friendly feeling on both sides, which I am confident your
Government, as much as Her Majesty's Government, desire to preserve.
I have thought it right to state frankly and unreservedly the views of
Her Majesty's Government on this subject, in order that the Colonial
Government may be thoroughly aware of the nature and gravity of the
points which have to be decided ; but I do not wish to be understood
to indicate that Her Majesty's Government have, in the present state of
their information, come to any absolute conclusion on the questions
which I have discussed.
The objections which I have pointed out to giving to the Colonies a
general power of making reciprocal arrangements would not apply to a
Customs Union wiith an uniform Tariff; and although such a general
union of all the Colonies is, it appears, impracticable, it may be worth
while to consider whether the difficulty might not be met by a Customs
Union between two or more Colonies.
I have the honour to be,
Sir,
Your most obedient humble servant,
K.IMBERLEY.
Governor Du Cane.
TASMANIA.
Memorandum.
Lord Kimberley's Despatch, under date of the 13th July, 1871,011
the question of Intercolonial Reciprocity, has received the attentive
consideration of His Excellency's Advisers.
It is satisfactory to find that the Secretary of State admits that, in
the cases of Newfoundland and Prince Edward Island in 1856, and of
the Dominion of Canada in 1867, Her Majesty's Government have
assented to Acts exempting Colonial products from the duties imposed
on similar articles when imported from Europe : and that, as regards
the latest precedent, Lord Kimberley is "not prepared to deny that the
Australasian Governments are justified in citing it as an example of the
admission of the principle of Differential Duties."
It is not easy to understand why the earlier precedents are not
similarly recognised as applicable to the recent demand for an admission
of the same principle by the Legislatures of New Zealand and Tas-
mania, to which may now be added that of South Australia. The lists
of articles in the sections of Statutes appended to" the Despatch com-
prise, in the main, the products and manufactures of the Provinces and
Colonies therein named. And the Reciprocity Conventions contem-
plated by the reserved Bills of Tasmania and New Zealand would deal
APPENDIX. tgi
similarly with the products and manufactures of the Australasian
Colonies.
There is, however, another example of the admission of the principle
of Differential Duties by Her Majesty's Government which is not
referred to by Lord Kimberley. The Acts of the Legislatures of Vic-
toria and New South Wales which sanction the reciprocal importation
across the Murray Border of goods, which are liable to Customs Duties
on the wharves of Melbourne and Sydney, have received Her Majesty's
assent, and constitute a recent and conspicuous precedent for legislation
in favour of Intercolonial Reciprocity : and this example derives special
importance from the fact that the Acts in question were passed in the
exercise of powers to legislate on this point, specially conferred upon
Victoria and New South Wales by the Imperial Statutes which granted
to those Colonies their present Constitutions.
It would, therefore, seem that all the precedents that can be instanced
of Imperial assent to Colonial Legislatioa on this point may be " cited
as examples of the admission of the principle of Differential Duties."
When we come to the extent to which such Colonial Legislation
would affect Her Majesty's Treaty obligations with Foreign Powers, it
is admitted that there is but one Treaty in existence which contains a
stipulation restricting the fiscal legislation of " Colonies and Posses-
sions" of the British Crown; and that the Secretary of State is
" advised " that the Article in question " may be held not to preclude
Her Majesty from permitting " — to quote the language of the Dispatch
■ — "such a relaxation of the Laws as would allow each Colony of the
Australasian Group to admit any of the products or manufactures of the
other Australian Colonies duty free, or on more favourable terms than
similar products and manufactures of other countries."
From this we may infer that, while Her Majesty is bound to require
that Differential Duties shall not be imposed upon imports into British
Colonies from the United Kingdom and Foreign States, Her Majesty
is not required by any Treaty to refuse the Royal Assent to Measures
admitting the reciprocal importation between two or more British
Possessions, duty free, of articles which the Colonial Legislatures have
subjected to Customs Duties when imported from Europe.
Lord Kimbeiley's suggestion of the impolicy of placing " German
products and manufactures under disadvantages in the Colonial mar-
kets," seems to touch a subject on which it maybe said the Legislatures
of Australasia are the legitimate, perhaps the best, judges.
Lord Kimberley's observations on the question of Colonial Diffe-
rential Duties as affecting the general Imperial Policy seem to proceed
upon a misconception of the object aimed at by the Australasian
Governments, and of the motives which influence the advocates of the
removal of Imperial restrictions on the fiscal legislation of the Colonies.
The object of the Tariff Conference held in Melbourne last year was
to establish a Commercial Union of the Australias and New Zealand
on the basis of a common Tariff, with a distribution of the Customs
Revenue to the several Colonies according to population. That object
was found to be, at that time, unattainable ; and the Conference
r92 APPENDIX.
adopted a unanimous Resolution to the effect that it was desirable that
the Colonial Legislatures should be freed from Imperial restrictions on
their reciprocal fiscal arrangements.
Her Majesty's Government had intimated their readiness to assent to
a Customs Union of two or more Colonies ; but, when such an arrange-
ment was found to be impracticable, the Governments represented at
the Conference were willing to rest content with the removal of the
existing restrictions on Intercolonial trade by Reciprocity Conventions.
It is difficult to apprehend the force of objections offered to this mode
of treating the question when no objection is raised to a Customs
Union, which would produce precisely analogous results on a much
larger scale.
A Customs Union between all the Australasian Colonies would
enable these Countries to impose, if it were thought desirable, protec-
tive duties upon imports from Europe, while Colonial products and
manufactures were reciprocally interchanged duty free. How, it may
be asked, can such a system be deemed legitimate and admissible, when
a plan for carrying it into only partial operation by less direct means is
held to be open to grave objections ?
Her Majesty's Government are prepared, we are informed, to sanc-
tion an arrangement that would enable a group of six Colonies, if they
were so minded, to establish absolute Free Trade among themselves in
combination with Protection against all the world beside. But when
two Colonies desire to be placed in a similar position by a Tariff Con-
vention, " Her Majesty's Government are bound to say that the measure
proposed seems to them inconsistent with those principles of Free Trade
which they believe to be alone permanently conducive to commercial
prosperity."
By Lord Kimberley's own showing there are precedents for the legis-
lation now submitted for the Royal assent ; and there are no legal
obstacles to its recognition in the shape of Imperial Treaty obligations.
It is only on an abstract theory of the superior advantages of a Free
Trade policy that the Secretary of State objects to a proposal which
seems to sanction Protection under the name of Reciprocity.
These are views which can find no acceptance with Colonial Legis-
latures under a system of Constitutional Government. The question
they desire to solve is one directly affecting the interests of the com-
nnmities for which those Legislatures are elected to make Laws. Its
effect upon Imperial interests is almost inappreciable. The doubt
whether "the imposition of Differential Duties upon British produce
and manufactures might not have a tendency to weaken the connection
between the Mother Country and the Colonies, and to impair the
friendly feeling on both sides," seems scarcely warranted by a fair
consideration of the who e bearing of the application under discussion.
It may be observed that the Tariffs of the Australasian Colonies
have, in effect.for some years past imposed duties on British manu-
factures either intentionally or incidentally protective
Is it to be supposed that the "friendly feeling on both sides » which
has survived the imposition of Protective or Prohibitory Duties on
APPENDIX. 193
British manufactures would be "impaired" by a Reciprocity Conven-
tion,— for example, between Victoria and Tasmania, — which permitted
the products and manufactures of those Colonies to be mutually ex-
changed duty free, or under a lower duty than similar articles imported
from the United Kingdom ? It may be suggested with far greater
probability that " the friendly feeling on both sides " is more likely to be
impaired by the refusal of Her Majesty's Government to relax a Law
which imposes an irksome restriction on the fiscal legislation, and
vexatiously intermeddles with the domestic taxation, of these self-
governed Colonies.
Lord Kimberley seems to complain of the absence of " strong repre-
sentations and illustrations of the utility or necessity of the measure."
The unanimous Resolution of the Conference of last year, and the
subsequent identical legislation of New Zealand, South Australia, and
Tasmania, may be taken as a sufficient indication of the strength of the
conviction of the Governments and Legislatures of Australasia of the
urgent necessity, and by consequence in their judgment of the utility,
of the measure.
As far as the Colony of Tasmania is concerned, the "necessity and
utility of the measure" are sufficiently obvious. Our Customs Duties
are imposed for revenue purposes only. But when our nearest neigh-
bours practically close against our producers and manufacturers their
best and natural market by the comprehensive operation of an inten-
tionally Protective Tariff, we seek relief in Reciprocity Conventions,
which, while they would extend the basis of commercial operations
between us and our neighbours, would in no way prejudice the interests
of European producers and manufacturers, inasmuch as the desired
Convention would, for the most part, " deal with a limited list of raw
materials and produce not imported to these Colonies from Europe."
Lord Kimberley's treatment of this question indicates throughout a
natural anxiety to avoid a decision which might seem to commit Her
Majesty's Government to a departure " from the established commercial
policy " of the Mother Country. But, since His Lordship assures us
that Her Majesty's Government have not "come to any absolute con-
clusion on the questions which he has discussed," we may venture to
hope that a firm but respectful persistence in the course of legislation
already adopted by New Zealand, Tasmania, and South Australia, will
shortly secure for the Australasian Colonies that freedom from Imperial
restrictions on their fiscal relations with each other which the con-
ciliatory policy of Her Majesty's Government has already conceded to
the Colonies of British North America.
James Milne "Wilson.
Colonial Secretary' 's Office, wth September, 1871.
His Excellency the Governor,
INDEX.
VICTORIA.
" Argus," Victorian Newspaper,
107
" Australasian," Victorian News-
paper, 107
Ballaarat, 23, 43
Band of Hope and Albion Con-
sols, 51
Batman, John, applies for Land
at Port Phillip, 15
Baudin, Captain, French Ex-
plorer, 12
Beechworth, 113
Bendigo or Sandhurst, 52
Benevolent Asylum, Melbourne,
36
Campbell, Mr. "William, 74
Clunes Gold-field, 44
Coaches, Victorian, in
Collingwood, Suburb of Mel-
bourne, 33
Country Gentlemen, 92
Country Houses, 89
Country Life, 95
Cutting out Cattle, 65
Darling, Governor, 14, 19
Diggers' Licenses, 45
Edwards' Reef, 69
Emerald Hill, Suburb of Mel-
bourne, 34
Esmond, Discoverer of Gold in
Victoria, 44
Fawkner, early Settler, 20
Fitzroy, Suburb of Melbourne, 33
Flinders, Captain, Explorer, 12, 17
Free-Selecters, Mode of selecting
Land, 83, 85
Gambling in Gold-fields, 58
Gipps Land, 62
Government House, Melbourne,
39
Great Extended Hustler's Tribute
Mine, 55
Grimes, Mr., Surveyor-General of
New South Wales, 13
Hargreaves, Discoverer of Gold in
New South Wales, 44
Henty, Mr., first Colonist in Vic-
toria, 16
Hovell, Mr., Explorer, 14
Hume, Mr., Explorer, 14
Imports and Exports, 122
Land Laws in Victoria, 73
La Trobe, Mr., Governor, 75
Legislative Assembly, 116
Legislative Council, 117
Lewes, Mr. R., Mayor of Bal-
laarat, 49
Literature, Colonial, 107
Long Tunnel Mine, Walhalla, 68
Lonsdale, Captain, Vice -Gover-
nor, 20
Lowe, Mr., his Opinion as to the
Land Laws, 80
Lunatic Asylums, Melbourne, 38
Manners of the People, 97
Matlock, Gold Town, 70
INDEX.
195
Melbourne, Foundation of, 29
Melbourne Banks, Magnificence
of» 33
Miners' Habits, 59
Mining Companies, Number and
Names, 56
Mueller, Dr. Von, Botanist, 36
Murray, Lieutenant, first dis-
covered Port Phillip, 12
Newspapers, Australian, 107
Oxley, Mr., Surveyor-General in
New South Wales, 14
Palmer, Mr. Roundell, his Opinion
of the Land Laws, 79
Patronage, Misuse of, 119
Port Phillip, Early History of, 12
Railway System, 108
Rent, Pastoral, 87
Revenue, 12 1
Richmond, Suburb of Melbourne,
33
Rusden, Mr. G. W., of Mel-
bourne, 1, 12
Sale, Capital of Gipps Land, 11 1
Sandhurst or Bendigo, 52
Separation of the Colonies from
Great Britain, I
" Sydney Morning Herald," Syd-
ney Newspaper, 107
Trinity College, Melbourne, 35
University of Melbourne, 34
Verandah, The, 38, 53
Walhalla, Gold Town, 67
Wine, Australian, 113
" Winter's Freehold " Gold-mine,
49
Women, 99
Woods Point Gold-field, 71
Wool, Staple of the Colony, 122
Yarra Yarra River, 23
Yering, Manufacture of Wine, 1 15
Young Men, 101
TASMANIA.
Allpoi t, Mr., as to River Fish, 163
Annexation to Victoria, 179
Barron, a Convict, 150
Brady, a Convict, 137
Campbelltown, 159
Cash, a Convict, 137
Change of Name of the Colony, 129
Collins, Colonel, Lieutenant-
Governor, 132
Convict System, 134 — 144
Convicts, Numbers of, 147
Customs Duties, International,
174—178
Decrease of Trade, 171
Denison, Sir William, Governor,
129
Dogs used to guard Convicts, 145
Doherty, a Convict, 152
Eagle Hawk Neck, 145
Early History, 127 — 133
Farming, 156
Fingal Gold-field, 165
Fish in Tasmanian Rivers, 162
Fisher, a Convict, 152
Fruit in Tasmania, 164
Future Prospects of the Colony,
169
Gold, 165
Government House, Tasmania,
161
Hobart Town, Capital of the
Colony, 160
Hops, 163
Howe, a Convict, 137
Launceston, Town so named, 155
Loyalty in Tasmania, 155
Maria Van Diemen, Island so
called, 132
Markham, a Convict, 137
Melton, Town of, so named, 160
Population, 158
Port Arthur, 143
Rabbits, 142
Revenue, 167
Tasman, Abel Jan, 132
Tasman's Arch, 146
Tasman's Peninsula, 145
Van Diemen's Land, Island so
called, 132
Victorian Tariffs, 164
Wages of Convicts, 139
Wages of Labourers, 156
Wool, 171
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